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October 21, 2014 / 27 Tishri, 5775
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A Middle East Policy for President Romney

This cooperation to defeat radical Islamism, however it disguises itself, should be the backbone of U.S. policy.
Mitt Romney

Photo Credit: Gage Skidmore

Visit Barry Rubin’s blog, Rubin Reports.

There was virtually no discussion of foreign policy at the Republican National Convention. This was entirely appropriate given the crisis and priority of domestic issues. Yet I haven’t even seen a single article discussing this issue at all, and it is going to be important.

Here is the key factor: Mitt Romney, the Romney-Ryan ticket, and Republican congressional candidates have a variety of choices on foreign policy. Some of them can be bad and because there are different and complex issues the line taken will not—and arguably should not—be consistent.

Of course, there are the general principles: make America strong and respected again; support the soldiers; help friends and make enemies sorry that they are enemies. There must be an end to apologies and the defense of legitimate U.S. interests. Popularity is okay but respect and trust are far more important. Avoid either isolationism or excessive interventionism and get over the democracy-solves-all naivete. Don’t be chomping at the bit to go to war with Iran as a supposed panacea.

These are important but these principles don’t necessarily tell us how to do things. An average Arab citizen put it best in private conversation: “We don’t want an American president who acts like an Arab. We want an American president who acts like an American.” The old diplomatic virtues of credibility, national interests’ protection, preserving alliances and promises, recognizing friends and enemies, and so on need to be reinstalled.

The easiest theme is to stop helping anti-American dictators in Venezuela and several other Latin American countries; the Muslim Brotherhood (everywhere, including Hamas as the ruler of the Gaza Strip); and Hizballah; as well as many small terrorist groups and al-Qaida.

The basic grand strategy for the Middle East should be to form and lead a very broad and very loose—not institutionalized—alignment of forces opposing Islamism. These include showing real leadership to the Europeans, many of whom are better on this issue than Obama. It also means supporting Israel, of course, but there is a long list of others:

Governments: Algeria, Azerbaijan, Bahrain (despite its faults), Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Libya (we hope, Obama can claim credit for that one), Morocco, Oman, Saudi Arabia (despite its faults), and the United Arab Emirates. You can add some other former Soviet Muslim-majority republics.

Opposition and democratic moderate movements: Iran, Lebanon, Syria (where the United States is supporting the Islamists!), Tunisia, and Turkey (see Syria, above). Let’s also keep in mind the Berbers, Christians, and Kurds in general as communities that overwhelmingly link their survival to fighting revolutionary Islamism. Such ethnic communities can also be found in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

This cooperation to defeat radical Islamism, however it disguises itself, should be the backbone of U.S. policy. It can be implemented in a thousand different ways. Post-victory planning, which better start soon at least among independent analysts, needs to define these.

There are some Middle East problem countries that require special consideration.

It is time for a withdrawal from Afghanistan and a clever policy of backing—with a mixture of covert and financial as well as other assets—those who will fight to keep the Taliban out of power. Afghanistan is not going to be democratic or a nice place. But it must a place that does not threaten America again.

Yemen is a mess and, like Afghanistan, will continue to be a mess. The U.S. policy should cooperate to the maximum extent with Yemen on fighting terrorism without illusions about the nature of the regime and its willingness to betray the United States at any moment.

Qatar must also be treated with great caution. For reasons of local pride and ambition, it likes to stir up trouble and often supports Islamists, as well as playing footsy with Iran. Qatar should be treated with extreme suspicion not because its interests are different from America’s (everybody’s are) but because it likes to play the role of joker in the deck of cards.

Unfortunately, there is a parallel here with the far more important case of Pakistan. This is a headache without resolution. On one hand, the United States must ensure that the regime is not overthrown by radical Islamists. On the other hand, the United States cannot trust Pakistan at all to cooperate in fighting terrorism. Indeed, Pakistan is a major world sponsor of terrorism, not only against India but also to help the Taliban in Afghanistan, even—as we’ve vividly seen—al-Qaida! As the United States withdraws from Afghanistan the relationship with Pakistan should be reduced.

Obviously, the United States should not get into a conflict situation with Turkey but the whole romance with that stealth Islamist regime should come to an end. The Obama Administration hasn’t seemed to notice that Turkey has become a major sponsor of Hamas, Hizballah, and the worst elements in Syria. Turkey is not an appropriate intermediary with Arabs or Muslims for the United States. The current regime is part of the problem and the only reason things aren’t worse is that Arabs generally prefer to keep Turkey out.

A word on Syria: the issue is not whether America should intervene or what specific actions it should take. That is of secondary importance. The issue is that America should be on the side of the moderates: the urban Sunni middle class, the Kurds who want autonomy, the Christians who want to survive, the defected army officers who are nationalistic, and even Sunni Muslim traditionalists. It should devote every ounce of effort in battling the Brotherhood and the jihadists. Not one gun should go to them; not one bulletproof vest, not one dollar. The Syrian civil war has more than two sides to it.

Regarding the Israel-Palestinian issue, it doesn’t matter what the United States does as long as it finally recognizes this is no longer (if it ever was) the central issue in the Middle East. There isn’t going to be any progress in negotiations. Despite its shortcomings, the Palestinian Authority under Fatah has to be helped to survive in the West Bank and keep Hamas from taking over. But there should be no illusions. Anything done by U.S. policy should be recognized as being purely cosmetic.

Of course, I’d like to see a strong U.S.-Israel relationship. If you think Obama has maintained such a thing you are living under an illusion that isn’t visible from within Israel. But today, beyond aid and cooperation on a range of issues, what is most important is not the details of bilateral relations but an ability to work together on regional strategy. And this has been 100 percent absent under Obama outside of limited cooperation on some aspects of the Iran issue.

I’ve left the two giant problems for last: Iran and Egypt. I’ll leave Iran mostly for future articles. I am not enthusiastic about attacking Iran militarily but this is a complex issue. At a minimum, it should be isolated far more effectively. The problem is not just the nuclear drive but Iran’s strategic ambitions in the region. What is needed is not just sanctions but a full-court press that challenges, undermines, and covertly battles Iranian influence in Lebanon, Iraq, Bahrain, Syria, and everywhere else.

This is a long-term battle that is not going to be settled by a single air strike and even though Iran has very dangerous and fanatical aspects to its leadership we should not become hysterical and fail to see the factors holding Tehran back from a suicidal nuclear war.

Finally, Egypt. In some ways, it is too late to do some really effective policy. Strategy must begin with the concept that Muslim Brotherhood Egypt is an enemy of America but that it must be handled cleverly to limit the damage. What’s truly tragic is that it is now probably too late even to work with the army (as in Turkey) since the army which should be a force for moderation and an American ally has been destroyed as an independent force.

The most dangerous thing about the Obama Administration, as on other issues, is the illusion that the Brotherhood wolf is dressed up in a lamb suit and will eat out of Obama’s hand without taking any of his fingers, too. The Brotherhood must know that subversion of U.S. allies, promoting terrorism against Israel, and other such activities will be costly.

Even under the best circumstances, the Middle East is tough. Due to Obama it is a nightmare (and, no, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were only a small part of the issue). Indeed, a Romney Administration’s inheritance from Obama in the Middle East is very equivalent to its inheritance of a terrible economic situation.

Visit Barry Rubin’s blog, Rubin Reports.

About the Author: Professor Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. See the GLORIA/MERIA site at www.gloria-center.org.


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2 Responses to “A Middle East Policy for President Romney”

  1. Charlie Hall says:

    "There must be an end to apologies".

    This proves that the author, who used to write well-informed essays, has now become a Romney shill. The lie that Romney has put out that Obama has been issuing "apologies" has been rated as "pants on fire":

    http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2012/aug/31/mitt-romney/mitt-romney-said-barack-obama-began-his-presidency/

    and as "four pinnocchios":

    http://voices.washingtonpost.com/fact-checker/2011/02/obamas_apology_tour.html

    The Romney campaign has said that it does not care about factual accuracy; they apparently figure that if it can just lie often enough people might believe them. I had expected better from the *Jewish Press*.

  2. Ira Tick says:

    In my orientation at YU's Azrieli School of Education, the dean mentioned that the vibrancy of the future Jewish community is not being fostered by the synagogue or the op-eds in the Jewish newspapers, but rather by the schools and teachers. When he mentioned the Jewish papers, I muttered a quiet "Thank God!"

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