Obviously, the United States should not get into a conflict situation with Turkey but the whole romance with that stealth Islamist regime should come to an end. The Obama Administration hasn’t seemed to notice that Turkey has become a major sponsor of Hamas, Hizballah, and the worst elements in Syria. Turkey is not an appropriate intermediary with Arabs or Muslims for the United States. The current regime is part of the problem and the only reason things aren’t worse is that Arabs generally prefer to keep Turkey out.
A word on Syria: the issue is not whether America should intervene or what specific actions it should take. That is of secondary importance. The issue is that America should be on the side of the moderates: the urban Sunni middle class, the Kurds who want autonomy, the Christians who want to survive, the defected army officers who are nationalistic, and even Sunni Muslim traditionalists. It should devote every ounce of effort in battling the Brotherhood and the jihadists. Not one gun should go to them; not one bulletproof vest, not one dollar. The Syrian civil war has more than two sides to it.
Regarding the Israel-Palestinian issue, it doesn’t matter what the United States does as long as it finally recognizes this is no longer (if it ever was) the central issue in the Middle East. There isn’t going to be any progress in negotiations. Despite its shortcomings, the Palestinian Authority under Fatah has to be helped to survive in the West Bank and keep Hamas from taking over. But there should be no illusions. Anything done by U.S. policy should be recognized as being purely cosmetic.
Of course, I’d like to see a strong U.S.-Israel relationship. If you think Obama has maintained such a thing you are living under an illusion that isn’t visible from within Israel. But today, beyond aid and cooperation on a range of issues, what is most important is not the details of bilateral relations but an ability to work together on regional strategy. And this has been 100 percent absent under Obama outside of limited cooperation on some aspects of the Iran issue.
I’ve left the two giant problems for last: Iran and Egypt. I’ll leave Iran mostly for future articles. I am not enthusiastic about attacking Iran militarily but this is a complex issue. At a minimum, it should be isolated far more effectively. The problem is not just the nuclear drive but Iran’s strategic ambitions in the region. What is needed is not just sanctions but a full-court press that challenges, undermines, and covertly battles Iranian influence in Lebanon, Iraq, Bahrain, Syria, and everywhere else.
This is a long-term battle that is not going to be settled by a single air strike and even though Iran has very dangerous and fanatical aspects to its leadership we should not become hysterical and fail to see the factors holding Tehran back from a suicidal nuclear war.
Finally, Egypt. In some ways, it is too late to do some really effective policy. Strategy must begin with the concept that Muslim Brotherhood Egypt is an enemy of America but that it must be handled cleverly to limit the damage. What’s truly tragic is that it is now probably too late even to work with the army (as in Turkey) since the army which should be a force for moderation and an American ally has been destroyed as an independent force.
The most dangerous thing about the Obama Administration, as on other issues, is the illusion that the Brotherhood wolf is dressed up in a lamb suit and will eat out of Obama’s hand without taking any of his fingers, too. The Brotherhood must know that subversion of U.S. allies, promoting terrorism against Israel, and other such activities will be costly.
Even under the best circumstances, the Middle East is tough. Due to Obama it is a nightmare (and, no, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were only a small part of the issue). Indeed, a Romney Administration’s inheritance from Obama in the Middle East is very equivalent to its inheritance of a terrible economic situation.
Visit Barry Rubin’s blog, Rubin Reports.
About the Author: Professor Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. See the GLORIA/MERIA site at www.gloria-center.org.
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