To mark IDC Herzliya’s 20th anniversary, we spent a day following Prof. Uriel Reichman, IDC’s founder and president, and Jonathan Davis, VP for External Relations, around its delightful campus.
Several weeks ago I wrote an article (“Insanity of the ‘Bush Lied’ Hypothesis,” Jan. 27) that addressed the allegation that George W. Bush lied about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. I noted that this charge doesn’t make sense, even when granting it for the sake of argument, and that underlying the charge is an obsessive hatred of Bush that muddles the thinking of otherwise sensible people.
The response to the article was generally positive, though I did receive some angry e-mails.
“I think there is something fundamentally dishonest about your article,” began one writer, who offered that his “most charitable interpretation” was that I couldn’t help myself from “distorting the truth” to defend the Republican president – even though my view on Iraqi WMDs was consistent with that of the previous president, a Democrat. The e-mail concluded: “Are you an educator and historian, or are you a propagandist?”
A number of e-mailers flat-out called me a liar. Bush had lied, and now I had lied to defend the liar. One e-mail did everything but shout, “Liar, liar, pants on fire!”
A few e-mails were less emotionally charged, and I felt a responsibility to respond – a correspondence which has carried on for weeks. One of these e-mailers was a Harvard professor of neuroscience. He made a good point, the answer to which should be shared more broadly.
“I think you misrepresent what people mean when they say, ‘Bush lied,’” wrote the professor. “They are not generally making references to his beliefs, but they are making reference to the simple fact that he made claims for which he has no evidence. And given the seriousness of the issue at hand (war), the bar was raised and the evidence had to be pretty damned good.”
The professor is too charitable to the “Bush-Lied-Kids-Died” crowd, whose line of reasoning is not so thoughtful. (I know this because I correspond with them daily.) Nonetheless, he posed a valid question, which merits a response.
The professor is correct: Bush did not have absolute evidence of stockpiles of Iraqi WMD. He had no pictures or first-hand accounts from, say, a Tony Blair or Kofi Annan returning from a remote corner of Iraq to report: “Saddam has a warehouse of chemical warheads. I saw them.”
Yet, such unequivocal evidence was not possible. It was unattainable because Saddam Hussein concealed his WMD, as he had since 1991, when the United Nations first began doing inspections. All along, he claimed he did not have WMD, and all along we continued to find them.
Our “evidence” for his WMD in the 1990′s was identical to George W. Bush’s “evidence” later: volumes of testimony from Iraqi scientists, citizens, soldiers, and foreign officials who comprised the “intelligence” that reported that Saddam had WMD. Entire books laid out the details, such as the bestseller Saddam’s Bombmaker by Khidhir Hamza.
Here are merely a few facts about Saddam’s WMD inventory, which were uncovered by UN inspectors in the 1990′s and became widespread public knowledge:
The Iraqi dictator acquired gallons of chemical and biological agents. He repeatedly used chemical arms and probably employed bio weapons in some form, likely on groups like the Marsh Arabs. His bio arsenal was staggering – anthrax, botulinum toxin, and dozens of others. His regime remains the only in history to weaponize aflatoxin, a substance that slowly causes liver cancer and has no battlefield utility whatsoever. He loaded thousands of artillery shells and missiles with such substances.
The United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM) needed several years to destroy these weapons, and was certain that countless more remained hidden.
Much more elusive were nuclear weapons. UNSCOM learned that Saddam had an enormous nuclear program that dated back to the 1970′s. Spread among 25 facilities, it employed 15,000 technical people. Based on a Manhattan Project bomb design, Iraqi scientists pursued five different methods for separating uranium. Saddam pumped $10 billion into the program.
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The incident might have reminded them of the moment they sawed off Nick Berg’s head with a dull blade.
The professor is too charitable to the “Bush-Lied-Kids-Died” crowd, whose line of reasoning is not so thoughtful.
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