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Democracy In Egypt?


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We also begin to realize that presently there can be no enduring peace between Israel and any Arab country – because it would first require a drastic remodeling of Arab culture and the mentality that created it.

The only language the Arab nations understand is strength. And this is why strength is Israel’s only option of defense. However, if many years from now a true Arab reformist – not a general or a “moderate” cleric – were to finally lead the Arab populace to embrace the essential values needed for democracy to take root, this would no doubt be a harbinger of lasting peace in the Middle East.

Golda Meir perfectly encapsulated this reality when she famously said, “Peace will come when the Arabs love their children more than they hate us.”

Charles Bybelezer is publications chairman at the Canadian Institute for Jewish Research. He can be reached at charles@isranet.org.

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More Articles from Charles Bybelezer

As reported last week in the Jerusalem Post, “Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu said on Monday that Israel and the U.S. were working on a document saying the parameters for returning to negotiations with the Palestinians would be based on the speech U.S. President Barack Obama gave at AIPAC in May, and spelling out in greater detail what Obama meant by a return to the 1967 lines, with mutual agreed swaps.”

Much has been said of the popular uprising in Egypt that led to the demise of the 30-year autocratic rule of President Hosni Mubarak. For the most part, the discourse has centered on the issue of whether or not Egypt can emerge from its uprising as the first “self-made” democracy in the Arab world. In this respect, most pundits have focused their analyses on those obstacles that might prevent Egypt’s democratization, in particular, the hindering influence of the radical Islamic Muslim Brotherhood.

Much has been said of the revelations known as “PaliLeaks” – the release to the public by Al Jazeera of thousands of confidential peace process-related Palestinian documents. The ensuing discourse has largely focused on the details of “this” or the ramifications of “that,” and whether the alleged concessions offered by the Palestinian Authority to Israel in past negotiations – including its purported inclination to divide Jerusalem, forgo the Palestinian “right of return” and recognize Israel’s legitimacy – were in fact genuine, a ploy, or altogether fabricated.

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