Meir Panim’s Tiberias Free Restaurant not only provides warm meals, but the opportunity to socialize as well.
Everyone remembers Israel’s wars – in 1948, 1967, and 1973 – against the Arab states that vowed to destroy it. Its wars against the terrorist regimes embedded on its borders – Fatah and then Hizbullah in Lebanon and, most recently, Hamas in Gaza – are now memorable largely for the protests they provoked from liberal and anti-Zionist critics.
But perhaps Israel’s most tormenting – and enduring – conflict is its internal struggle over the meaning of legitimacy in a Jewish state.
Within six weeks after its proclamation of independence, Israel experienced violent internal discord. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion was convinced that Menachem Begin, his right-wing political opponent, was preparing a putsch to overthrow the government. He ordered the Haganah and Palmach to sink the Altalena, an Irgun ship filled with fighting men, weapons and munitions that were desperately needed to combat invading Arab armies.
In blazing gun battles at Kfar Vitkin, near Netanya, and on the Tel Aviv beach, Israeli soldiers from rival political factions shot and killed each other. Memories of the Altalena, like Banquo’s ghost, still haunt Israelis.
The current conflict over legitimacy began in November when a handful of Hesder soldiers, who combine religious study with military service, displayed a banner declaring they would not expel or evacuate Jews from settlements in Judea and Samaria.
Similar displays by other religious soldiers, torn between their loyalty to the Israel Defense Forces and the strength of their religious faith, followed. They were pilloried in secular circles for challenging the legitimacy of the state. Haaretz condemned their “insolent defiance.” The Jerusalem Post warned religious soldiers not to emulate Samson and “pull down the temple pillars upon us all.” Defense Minister Barak, not known for subtlety, declared: “We intend to use an iron fist to limit this phenomenon.”
In late November Prime Minister Netanyahu announced his controversial ten-month freeze in settlement housing construction. Touted as a peace gesture to Palestinians, it was widely recognized as blatant – even craven – capitulation to demands from President Obama.
Settler protests, with strong rabbinical support from the Hesderyeshiva movement,roiled Israeli politics for weeks. Israelis were forced to confront fundamental political questions: What defines legitimacy? Who decides?
Into this contentious struggle plunged Ehud Barak. The defense minister was eager, as always, to display state power and, not incidentally, to shore up his feeble Labor Party base. Nothing succeeds with his constituency like forcing a showdown with religious Jews – as he demonstrated a year ago with his forced expulsion of Jews from Jewish-owned property in Hebron.
After Rabbi Eliezer Melamed expressed support for the protesting religious soldiers, the defense minister summarily expelled his Hesder yeshiva from the roster of religious institutions associated with the IDF. (Yet Barak had remained silent when hundreds of university professors petitioned soldiers to refuse to serve in Judea and Samaria.)
Rabbi Melamed responded pointedly: “Can it be that in the democratic state of Israel, a rabbi cannot think and speak with honesty?”
Barak seemed determined to exacerbate – and exploit -the undeniable tension that exists between state power and Jewish law. Like Ben-Gurion at the time of the Altalena crisis, Barak is prepared to apply military force to stifle domestic political opposition, while bending it to his own political advantage.
A Defense Ministry document, leaked to the press, indicated the army planned to enforce the settlement housing freeze with nothing less than six military brigades, the Border Guard, Shin Bet, police and intelligence forces, IDF reserve units, and Air Force helicopters and drones. Barak was preparing for war against his own people.
Ruhama Arbus, whose young husband served 20 days in a military jail and was expelled from his unit for raising a “Don’t Evacuate Homesh” sign, tried to explain: “He wanted to perform the mitzvah of protecting his people. Still, even if a Jewish king tells you to do something against halacha [Jewish law], you have to refuse.”
Barak, palpably infuriated by any challenge to government authority – especially from religious Jews – asserted that obedience is “the true basis of democracy.” He stated bluntly: “Tremendous force will silent any opposition.”
Undeterred, two-hundred 12th graders from all over Israel recently informed the defense minister that while they wished to perform military service they would not obey orders to expel Jews from their homes.
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Apparently there has been no let-up in Secretary of State Kerry’s drive to bring about a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians within the nine-month period he prescribed last year, which ends in April 2014.
Much attention has properly been paid to the problems inherent in the provisions of the Geneva agreement struck with Iran. There are substantial loopholes that allow Iran to run trucks through its commitments and Iran seems to have been able to blunt the full court press that had been mounted against it in the form of economic sanctions and threats of military force.
All these polls asked either “Do you agree that Israel is conducting a war of extermination against the Palestinians?” or, alternatively, “Do you agree Israel behaves toward the Palestinians like the Nazis do?”
Of course, believing in God doesn’t make one Jewish. Many people identify themselves as Jews for a host of reasons other than believing in the God of Israel, and they are just as Jewish as the most pious Jew. Being Jewish is a birthright, not a belief right. According to halacha, anyone born of a Jewish mother is Jewish. Period.
We live in a world where a people returning to it’s ancestral home is accused of occupation, and redemption has become colonialism.
In mainstream America, people believe in instant romance and not physically keeping to oneself prior to marriage.
I have heard many Rabbis tell me that they don’t wish to dirty their hands by getting involved in political matters.
Does anyone think the Palestinian Authority will resist daily attacks from Hamas and Fatah radicals?
“Arise, Reb Yechiel—honored with the firing of one bomb!”
Larger and larger swaths of people in the West keep coming back with the wrong opinion.
Secret Service security arrangements were overruled.
I was touched by his words on the struggle to stand up for Israel.
Yossi Klein Halevi’s Like Dreamers (Harper) explores the lives of seven Israeli paratroopers in the Six-Day War who, his subtitle suggests, “Reunited Jerusalem and Divided a Nation.” It offers a fascinating variation on the theme of Israel at a fateful crossroads, in search of itself, following the wondrously unifying moment at the Western Wall in June 1967 when Jewish national sovereignty in Jerusalem was restored for the first time in nineteen centuries.
Eighty years ago, in January 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed chancellor of Germany. Barely a month later Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated president of the United States. For the next twelve years, until their deaths eighteen days apart in April 1945, they personified the horrors of dictatorship and the blessings of democracy.
One of my searing early memories from Israel is a visit nearly four decades ago to the Ghetto Fighters Museum in the Beit Lohamei Hagetaot kibbutz. The world’s first Holocaust museum, it was built soon after the Independence War by survivors of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising.
Nearly sixty-five years ago Israel declared its independence and won the war that secured a Jewish state. But its narrow and permeable postwar armistice lines permitted incessant cross-border terrorist raids. For Egypt, Syria and Jordan, the mere existence of a Jewish state remained an unbearable intrusion into the Arab Middle East. As Egyptian President Nasser declared, “The danger of Israel lies in the very existence of Israel.”
For anyone with historical memory the expulsion of Jews – by the Romans, English, French, Spaniards, Nazis, and Muslims – instantly evokes tragic episodes in Jewish history. Now the state of Israel expels Jews from their homes. Something is amiss in Zion.
Near the end of the nineteenth century, Theodor Herzl, the Viennese journalist who would wrestle with the plight of Jews amid the enticements and dangers of modernity, felt trapped. For his son’s sake he considered conversion to Christianity; to solve the vexing “Jewish Question” he even fantasized the mass conversion of Jews.
The recent kerfluffle over Israeli government video ads and billboard posters, designed to entice wayward yordim to return home, instead exposed the troubled psyche of American Jews.
Printed from: http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/opinions/israels-ongoing-internal-struggle/2010/01/13/
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