Across Israel, Meir Panim responds to the growing needs of the country’s 1.75 million impoverished residents through various food and social service programs.
In 1984, the United States rectified a diplomatic anomaly when it formally recognized the Vatican and agreed to exchange ambassadors with the papal mini-state in Rome.
But when Congress held hearings on the measure, at least one discordant voice was heard in dissent. Rev. Jerry Falwell, by then already a familiar figure as the head of the Moral Majority, hustled to the Capitol to testify against the move.
One might have expected Falwell’s position to be based in the sort of theological antagonism between Baptists and Catholics that had its roots in the Reformation. But the evangelical leader had another agenda that day: He was mad about the church’s foreign policy in the Middle East. He urged the Senate not to recognize the Vatican until it extended the same courtesy to the State of Israel.
That was an issue that was also of concern to Jewish groups. The Vatican eventually did recognize Israel a decade later. But the idea of the Jews publicly campaigning against the church in this manner was simply out of the question.
Falwell’s intervention in this issue is barely a footnote to this chapter in history, but it is symbolic of much of his interactions with Jews over the years.
He was always among our most zealous allies on the question of Israel, its security and its place in the world. But his efforts in this regard were not merely unbidden. They were, for the most part, regarded with incredulity by Jewish audiences and groups, and thus not merely unappreciated but often met with outright rejection. As such, he was always American Jewry’s most unwavering and yet unwelcome ally.
Falwell’s death last month set off a wave of retrospectives in the media about the rise of Christian conservative politics. But no discussion of his impact on the culture of this country is complete without a discussion of his iconic position as the bête noire of liberal Jewry who regarded his noisy support for Israel – and the willingness of Israeli leaders such as Menachem Begin and Benjamin Netanyahu to embrace him for it – with a combination of disgust and horror.
The reason for that horror wasn’t hard to explain. As one of the leading figures of the Right’s counterattack on both liberal politics and cultural values, Falwell was deeply hated by liberals. His sanctimonious demeanor, and his willingness to voice his (in the view of most American Jews) antediluvian views on just about everything, made him a ripe subject for satire.
But what made Falwell, who avoided the sort of personal and financial scandals that make it easy to discount many of his fellow televangelists, really scary to liberals was that his mobilization of Christian conservatives helped change American politics. Although the Moral Majority itself had a short shelf life (it was disbanded in 1989), Falwell’s influence will live on long after him.
What must be understood is that his movement was not an attempt to undo democracy. Rather, it gave life to the well-founded fear on the part of religious conservatives that they were losing control of American culture. Despite the fact that they won a fair share of the election battles they picked, that verdict is unchanged. Take a look at the content of virtually any network television drama or comedy, let alone contemporary major feature films, and it won’t be hard to discern that Falwell’s views about abortion, sex and gay rights have not only not prevailed, but, in fact, have lost considerable ground.
As more than a few of his allies on the Right noted in the wake of the public’s unwillingness to support the impeachment of President Clinton, maybe the majority in this country wasn’t so “moral” after all. And given the fact that a pro-abortion rights candidate such as Rudy Giuliani has a shot at the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, it may well be that the tide has turned on these issues in the GOP itself.
But none of that explains why Falwell’s enthusiastic support for Israel was always something that many Jewish liberals felt ought to be treated with disdain. The excuses for this attitude always centered on the notion that his motives were tainted by his intention to evangelize Jews or notions about his wanting a Zionist triumph to set off the second coming of Jesus.
About the Author: Jonathan S. Tobin is senior online editor of Commentary magazine and chief political blogger at www.commentarymagazine.com, where this first appeared. He can be reached via e-mail at email@example.com.
If you don't see your comment after publishing it, refresh the page.
Comments are closed.
“The only difference between this world and the time of Meshiach is our bondage to the gentile kingdoms.”
You’ve discovered our little secret!
Klein’s challenger has demonstrated a propensity to unleash poisonous vitriol, even to other Zionists
Welcome the book of Leviticus!
If the nationalist Knesset members don’t provide the answer, the Arab MKs will do so in their place.
International Agunah Day falls annually on Ta’anis Esther, this year on March 13.
Yeshiva University Museum recently hosted an exhibit titled “Threshold to the Sacred.”
Even a foxhole Yid has to admit that antisemitism is on the upswing.
As shocking and insulting and horrifying as it is, Nazi war criminals are still living freely among us.
One can almost imagine a shocked Mr. Kerry thinking to himself, “How could he?” Yet not only did Mr. Putin do what he did, China, one of the three major international players along with the U.S. and Russia, agreed with him, not with Mr. Kerry.
Ramaz is a venerable Modern Orthodox educational institution whose mission statement contains the explicit commitment to “Ahavat Yisrael, and love and support for the State of Israel.”
In the course of the ages there wasn’t a Jewish community more convinced of its capacity for survival than the Jewish community of Hungary in the 19th and 20th centuries.
When it became known in May 2008 that Malley had met with Hamas terrorists, the Obama campaign severed ties with him.
Issuing a statement dredging up Wildstein’s life, Christie’s office raised as many questions as it answered.
No matter how wrong Israel’s leaders may think their American counterparts are, little good comes from public spats.
Lieberman has repeatedly dismissed the Palestinian Authority as not being a peace partner.
This is a political version of replacement theology.
Like Chamberlain, Obama sued the ayatollahs for peace, insisting the only alternative to appeasement is war.
Printed from: http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/opinions/jewish-shortsightedness-and-jerry-falwell/2007/05/19/
Scan this QR code to visit this page online:
No related posts.