Chillul Tefila Bifarhesia, as well as halachicly challenged verbiage and dress, are external manifestations of a critical lack of personal yiras shomayim which has lethal consequences.
Weeks of turbulent Arab uprisings throughout the Middle East have dislodged dictators and inspired tens of thousands of young Muslims to dream of freedom. Swarming through streets and squares, they have demanded the end of autocratic rule.
With due concern lest this ferment ultimately bring Islamic extremists to power, it has nonetheless been heartening to see a generational cohort of young Arabs draw inspiration, for a change, from values that are deeply embedded in Western democracies.
But old habits die hard. For weeks, no blame fell upon the long proclaimed source of all Middle Eastern problems: Israel. Nor was there even a detectable whisper of concern over the plight of Palestinians, ever the justification for Arab rage. Even Jewish settlements were ignored. It was widely, and correctly, understood as a spontaneous Arab revolt until President Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen declared that from Tunis to Oman, the Arab upheaval was managed by Tel Aviv.
For a time it was possible to imagine that even the Obama administration understood that Arab fury had nothing to do with Jewish settlements. Indeed, amid the turbulence, the United States blocked a UN Security Council resolution condemning settlements as illegal. But what the administration gave with one hand it quickly reclaimed with another. Advertisement
After the 13-1 vote Susan Rice, American ambassador to the United Nations, apologetically explained: “Our opposition to the resolution…should not be misunderstood to mean we support settlement activity. On the contrary, we reject in the strongest terms the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlement activity,” which “violates Israel’s international commitments, devastates trust between the parties and threatens the prospects for peace.”
This boilerplate attempt at even-handedness, balancing the reluctant American vote with an impassioned mea culpa, suggested that the Obama administration remains locked into old fallacies about Jewish settlements as the primary obstacle to Middle East peace. What does it say that the American president, ever so hesitant to support democratic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya – and, two years ago, in Iran – still relentlessly pressures the only democratic nation in the region?
Yet rarely, if ever, during the past twenty years has any Israeli government – whether led by Labor or Likud – challenged the absurd canard that the primary obstacle to peace in the Middle East is Jewish settlements.
Just a year ago Netanyahu capitulated to American demands for a ten-month settlement freeze, during which time the Palestinian leadership quietly folded its hands, did nothing, and awaited the expiration date so that it could demand another extension.
Although Netanyahu rejected that demand, his government remains unwilling to authorize even the expansion of existing settlements that are certain to remain part of Israel – to say nothing of building new ones. And it has swallowed the claim, reiterated by American no less than Palestinian officials, that new or enlarged Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem are “settlements.”
Following the UN veto, the Netanyahu government expressed its gratitude. Israeli border police demolished three homes in the outpost of Gilad Farm, located on Jewish-owned land in Samaria, while wounding a dozen young defenders. Netanyahu, citing “international reality,” indicated to his Likud colleagues that “the American veto in the Security Council was only achieved with great effort” and, presumably, must be rewarded with the sacrifice of a settlement.
Israeli governments have long swallowed the insistent – and erroneous – claim of their Arab enemies (and presumed Western friends) that Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank) are illegal under international law. To the contrary: “close settlement” by Jews in all the land west of the Jordan River is a right recognized by the League of Nations eighty years ago and confirmed by the United Nations twenty-five years later. After the Six-Day War, United Nations Resolution 242 (by design and careful drafting) called only for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from “territories” not “the” territories or all the territories. By now more than 300,000 Israelis have embraced the venerable Zionist principle of settling the Land of Israel.
For many of the pioneering settlers, the lament of Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda Kook just weeks before the Six-Day War became their inspiration. Rejecting the partition in 1947 that had severed the new State of Israel from the biblical Land of Israel, he cried out: “Where is our Hebron? Have we forgotten it? And where is our Shechem? And our Jericho – will we forget them?”
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France 2 and Enderlin must have their press accreditation revoked and be thrown out of Israel.
Slaughter is a routine, widespread practice among many Moslem families.
parently an affront to J Street’s worldview, the focus of which appears to be the creation of a Palestinian State, whether or not that will bring peace.
My mother, the eldest daughter of Reb Yaakov Kamenetsky, zt”l, was niftar last month at the age of 92. She took her last breath in her home in Efrat, Israel, next door to the shul that was my father’s for 24 years before his passing in 2007.
It comes down to his being famous.
Following the Boston Marathon bombing, one crucial point will likely remain overlooked. The most loathsome aspect of this or any other terror bombing attack on civilians will always lie in the inexpressibility of physical pain. While all decent people will abhor the idea of bombs expressly directed at the innocent, whether here or in other countries, none will ever be able to process the very deepest horrors of what has been inflicted.
It’s only natural to see increasing evidence of Jerusalem’s glorious Jewish past being unearthed, quite literally, under modern Israeli sovereignty. The new archaeological finds are also very timely – as the Arab onslaught attempting to detach Jerusalem from its Jewish roots gains steam, the facts on the ground, or “under” the ground, show quite otherwise.
The Talmud (Berachot 26b) says, “tefillot avot tiknum” – “prayer was established by the avot.” The Talmud then uses the following verse (Bereshit 19:27) to prove how Avraham established prayer: “Vayaskem Avraham baboker el hamakom asher amad sham et pnei Hashem” – “And Avraham got up early in the morning to the place where he had stood before God.”
Nearly 13 years ago, then-Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak journeyed to Camp David to end the conflict with the Palestinians. With the approval of President Clinton, he offered Yasir Arafat an independent Palestinian state in almost all of the West Bank, Gaza and in part of Jerusalem. Arafat said no.
The news that the Internal Revenue Service unfairly targeted conservative groups has brought renewed spotlight on a 2010 lawsuit filed by the pro-Israel group Z Street, which alleges it was also singled out by the IRS when applying for tax-exempt status.
In an editorial last week (“Circling the Wagons”) we noted the efforts by the administration and its supporters to dismiss allegations that the government’s spin on the Benghazi attack was designed to shield the president and that the IRS was improperly used to stifle opposition to Mr. Obama’s reelection.
As the controversies besetting the Obama administration continue to grow in number and intensity, the prospect that President Obama would seriously consider military action against Iran, should that country continue its drive to become a nuclear power, becomes more and more remote. So we welcome the current enhancement of sanctions against Iran on the federal and New York State levels.
To his parents’ friends, he was “Mrs. Greenberg’s disgrace,” but to sports fans he is one of the greatest – if not the greatest – Jewish baseball players of all time. Long before Sandy Koufax, Hank Greenberg excited Jewish sports fans with his prowess on the baseball diamond.
One of my searing early memories from Israel is a visit nearly four decades ago to the Ghetto Fighters Museum in the Beit Lohamei Hagetaot kibbutz. The world’s first Holocaust museum, it was built soon after the Independence War by survivors of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising.
Nearly sixty-five years ago Israel declared its independence and won the war that secured a Jewish state. But its narrow and permeable postwar armistice lines permitted incessant cross-border terrorist raids. For Egypt, Syria and Jordan, the mere existence of a Jewish state remained an unbearable intrusion into the Arab Middle East. As Egyptian President Nasser declared, “The danger of Israel lies in the very existence of Israel.”
For anyone with historical memory the expulsion of Jews – by the Romans, English, French, Spaniards, Nazis, and Muslims – instantly evokes tragic episodes in Jewish history. Now the state of Israel expels Jews from their homes. Something is amiss in Zion.
Near the end of the nineteenth century, Theodor Herzl, the Viennese journalist who would wrestle with the plight of Jews amid the enticements and dangers of modernity, felt trapped. For his son’s sake he considered conversion to Christianity; to solve the vexing “Jewish Question” he even fantasized the mass conversion of Jews.
The recent kerfluffle over Israeli government video ads and billboard posters, designed to entice wayward yordim to return home, instead exposed the troubled psyche of American Jews.
In the good old days, Forest Hills, New York – where I grew up between 1939 and 1951 – was a shtetl for assimilated American Jews. Like my parents, all our neighbors were American-born offspring of Eastern European immigrants. A generation removed from their identity conflicts, we children knew that Forest Hills, liberated from Judaism, was our promised land.
With Sgt. Gilad Shalit safely returned in exchange for 1,027 Palestinian terrorists and murderers, celebration – propelled by wishful avoidance – spread throughout Israel.
In May 1967 Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda Kook spoke to his former Mercaz HaRav students at their annual Independence Day reunion in Jerusalem. Usually a festive day of celebration, this year was different. Rabbi Kook sorrowfully recalled his feeling of despair nineteen years earlier, when the State of Israel was born: “I was torn to pieces. I could not celebrate.” Suddenly he cried out: “They have divided my land. Where is our Hebron? Have we forgotten it? And where is our Shechem? And our Jericho – will we forget them?”
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