Join Meir Panim’s campaign to “light up” Chanukah for families in need.
Even a one- or two-month extension of Israel’s ten-month settlement moratorium, senior Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat has announced, won’t suffice. Nothing less than a total freeze throughout the duration of Israeli-Palestinian talks would be acceptable.
Erekat was adding some spice to an international full-court press on Israel. On Friday, the Arab League, meeting in Libya – not exactly a beacon of advanced values – gave backing to Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas’s refusal to conduct the talks without a settlement freeze. The league also handed the Obama administration a further month to try and break the Israeli-Palestinian impasse over the freeze.
That month, of course, could get the administration past November 2 without appearing responsible for a foreign policy failure if the talks-over-the-talks come up empty at the end.
The facts of the case are quite straight forward. If the Palestinians really wanted the state that President Obama and so many others presume to be their most cherished aspiration – despite their having rejected every offer of a state since 1937 – they could have joined talks with Israel at least since its settlement freeze began in November last year.
Even if the PA leadership had done so, there would still be the facts that Gaza is controlled by Hamas, which is dead-set against the talks, and PA leaders Abbas and Salam Fayyad, even if they genuinely wanted a deal, have little power and face staunch opposition to even talking with Israel in PA circles.
And yet, another voice has just been added – from within Israel – to the Arab, Palestinian, American, and European pressure on Israel to make concession upon concession as a condition for engaging in talks at all. It was the voice of Israeli opposition leader and former foreign minister Tzipi Livni.
Assertingthat Benjamin Netanyahu should give in to the pressure and extend the freeze, and accusing him of causing a fight with the Obama administration out of fear of fighting with his own right-wing cabinet ministers, Livni said in a TV interview: “For me, a moratorium has nothing to do with ideology. What are a few buildings compared with the people’s desire for peace?”
It so happens that the “people’s desire” has been gauged by polls. One at the end of last month found 54 percent of Israelis rejecting an extension of the settlement freeze and only 39 percent favoring it. Another one this month found 68 percent of Israelis saying Netanyahu was better suited to be prime minister than Livni.
This did not come, of course, from a lack of desire for peace, but from an understanding that acting without a backbone, constantly projecting a willingness to concede, and demonstrating a lack of principles and red lines is not a path to peace but to perceived weakness and war – as bitterly demonstrated to Israelis over the past two decades by their Oslo, Lebanon, and Gaza concessions.
With Livni as unpopular as she is, one might ask if her words matter at this stage. The answer is that they fit a pattern that has prevailed since a Likud-led government first took office in Israel in 1977 – whereby the left-of-center opposition, formerly led by the Labor Party and now by Livni’s Kadima Party, adopts the stance that peace with the Palestinian or Arab side is there for the taking and it’s the elected Israeli government that prevents it.
Indeed, by the time Labor returned to power in 1992, it seemed to have convinced itself of that idea to the point that it launched the disastrous and bloody Oslo “process” with Yasir Arafat. And beyond the grievous harm that the “peace equals concessions” mentality causes within Israel, it reinforces all those abroad who blame the conflict on Israel and ignore the facts about Palestinian and Arab rejectionism.
The second above-cited poll also found that if elections were held in Israel today, the Likud-led right-wing bloc would grow from 65 to 73 Knesset seats (out of 120) while the left-wing and Arab bloc now led by Livni’s Kadima would shrink from 55 seats to 47.
In brief, the Israeli public is no longer buying the “peace is there for the taking if we make all the concessions” line.
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The decision to not publicly light the Menorah in Sydney, epitomizes the eternal dilemma of Judaism and Jews in the Diaspora.
Am Yisrael is one family, filled with excruciating pain&sorrow for losing the 4 kedoshim of Har Nof
What is its message of the dreidel?” The complexity and hidden nature of history and miracles.
Police play down Arab terrorism as mere “violence” until the truth can no longer be hidden.
The 7 branches of the menorah represent the 7 pillars of secular wisdom, knowledge, and science.
Obama obtained NO verifiable commitments from Cuba it would desist from acts prejudicial to the US
No one would deny that the program subjected detainees to less than pleasant treatment, but the salient point is, for what purpose?
For the past six years President Obama has consistently deplored all Palestinian efforts to end-run negotiations in search of a UN-imposed agreement on Israel.
It’s not an admiration. It is simply a kind of journalist fascination. It stands out, it’s different from more traditional Orthodoxy.
For Am Yisrael, the sun’s movements are subservient to the purpose of our existence.
Israelis now know Arab terrorism isn’t caused by Israeli occupation but by ending Israeli occupation
Anti-Semitism is a social toxin that destroys the things that people most cherish and enjoy.
Amb. Cooper highlighted the impact of the Chanukah/Maccabee spirit on America’s Founding Fathers
Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics has released its population data for 2012, the year that just ended. As usual, the trends are favorable. The total Israeli population rose to just under eight million, while the Jewish population for the first time rose to just over six million.
How well are Jews – and non-Jews – doing with regard to the Jewish state? If the question focuses on the highbrow world, and particularly its predominant persuasion of liberalism (or what is still called by that name), the answer that emerges from Edward Alexander’s new book is: not very well.
It’s been a bumpy road for the Palestinians lately.
Recent staged spectacles that were supposed to whip up sympathy for them and put Israel in a bad light again – the Nakba Day (May 15) and Naksa Day (June 4) marches on Israel’s borders, the flotilla, the flytilla – have been disappointments at best, if not outright flops. And the Palestinians’ long-hyped independent-statehood bid at the UN in September is meeting growing opposition from the West.
When Glenn Beck’s upcoming Jerusalem rally was first announced, he saidit would be called “Restore Courage” – modeled on his “Restoring Honor” rally last year in Washington that drew half a million. Or as Beck put it: “Last summer, we set out to restore honor in Washington, DC. This summer, it’s time to restore courage. It is time for us to courageously stand with Israel.”
In reaction to the Palestinian Authority-Hamas unity deal signed in Cairo, Israel decided to turn off the spigot. It halted the transfer to the PA of over $100 million in customs and tax revenues.
The day after last week’s announcement of a Fatah-Hamas rapprochement in Cairo, Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas said he would keep pursuing peace talks with Israel. Almost concurrently, top Hamas official Mahmoud al-Zahar said Hamas would stick to its stance of neither recognizing nor negotiating with Israel, but “if Fatah wants to negotiate with Israel over trivialities, they can.”
“With the winds of change blowing through the Arab world, it’s more urgent than ever that we try to seize the opportunity to create a peaceful solution between the Palestinians and the Israelis,” President Obama saidlast week after meeting with Israeli president Shimon Peres.
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