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April 20, 2014 / 20 Nisan, 5774
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Posts Tagged ‘Amir Peretz’

Incitement to Murder? Amir Peretz Just a Sore Loser

Sunday, October 27th, 2013

From today’s Times of Israel:

Environmental Protection Minister Amir Peretz, from the center-left Hatnua [The Movement] party, decried the nationalist Jewish Home party’s attacks on the impending Palestinian prisoner release and especially the verbal assault on Hatnua’s leader Tzipi Livni, in which they blamed her for the release.

Releasing terrorists will lead to violence? What an absurd idea…and how dare you even suggest it will lead to attacks on Israelis.

From today’s JewishPress.com:

Peretz, has been suggesting that there’s a quick and slippery slope between some 17-year-old in some moshav up north spitting on MK Elazar Stern and the wholesale assassinations of Tzipi Livni, Stern, and, possibly, himself, Peretz.

Yet here’s some background these papers neglected to mention: When MK Amir Peretz slams the “Bayit Yehudi” party for “incitement against his party” the primary reason for his venom is because last week on Tuesday, his wife Achlama Peretz, who was the #2 of David Buskila the incumbent mayor of Sderot — LOST the election to Mayoral Candidate Alon Davidi – supported by…Bayit Yehudi. Not only did Buskila lose the mayoral election but Peretz’s wife didn’t even make it onto the Sderot city council.

Adding insult to injury, on the very same election day last week, Amir Peretz’s sister, Flora Shushan lost the mayoral election in Mitzpe Ramon to Roni Marom…also supported by…Bayit Yehudi.

So when Peretz says “It is forbidden to allow Bayit Yehudi people to sow seeds of calamity”….he isn’t talking about the Bayit Yehudi’s opposition to freeing convicted murders, rather he’s referring to the freeing of Sderot and Mitzpe Ramon from the clutches of his nepotistic fiefdom.

h/t: Elyashiv Raichner

Visit The Muqata.

Tzipi Livni Using Three Hats to Block Bill Against Terrorist Release

Sunday, October 27th, 2013

Justice Minister Tzipi Livni wears two additional hats which, in the context of this story give her the ability to kill a Jewish Home initiative that on its face appears rather reasonable. MK Orit Struk has offered the bill for deliberation at the ministerial committee on legislation. The gist of it is:

No prisoner with blood on his hands may be released as part of the political process.

On its face, the new law would free future prime ministers from the insanity of the Gilad Shalit campaign, when the government capitulated to the mob and let go of prisoners who were responsible, altogether, for the murder of some 600 Jewish victims, men, women and children – in return for an Israeli hostage.

As has become evident, the Israeli capitulation, spearheaded by Netanyahu, has encouraged the other side to invest millions in new attempts to kidnap Israelis – including, most notably, digging up “terror tunnels” equipped with tracks for the quick removal of abducted Israelis back into Gaza.

Having a law on the books that prohibits this shameful negotiations with terrorists, and nipping in the bud any future attempt to release deadly prisoners back into the wild, makes perfect sense to anyone who gives half a hoot about the victims of Arab murderers. But the new bill will not even be discussed in today’s meeting of the ministerial legislation committee, much less be offered to the Knesset at large.

Remember the two additional hats worn by Justice Minister Tzipi Livni? well, one of them is of chief Israeli negotiator to the peace talks with the Palestinian Authority. As part of these talks, Israel has already let go of several hundred Palestinian prisoners, some of whom were nearing their release date anyway, others who have been diagnosed with a variety of illnesses.

Now, as part of the Tzipi Livni-Saeb Erakat negotiations, Israel is expected to release 32 veteran prisoners this coming Tuesday. The names of the 32 long-term prisoners will be announced today, Sunday, so that anyone opposing their release will have about 24 hours to research how much Jewish blood is dripping from their hands, demonstrate late Monday night in front of this or that official government building and the killers go free. Nice, clean, efficient.

So Tzipi Livni needs a law that says she can’t do that like she needs a hole in the head. But you can’t say “hole in the head” in Israel, because it sounds like a call to murder – Tzipi’s number 2 in the Movement (HaTnuah in Hebrew), Minister Amir (looking through the capped binoculars) Peretz, has been suggesting that there’s a quick and slippery slope between some 17-year-old in some moshav up north spitting on MK Elazar Stern and the wholesale assassinations of Tzipi Livni, Stern, and, possibly, himself, Peretz.

Some images you just don't live down. This is HaTnua no. 2 man Amir Peretz in his capacity as defense minister, looking at things through a capped binoculars.

Some images you just don’t live down. This is HaTnua no. 2 man Amir Peretz in his capacity as defense minister, looking at things through a capped binoculars.

If you don’t know it already, what Peretz is doing is milking the Yitzhak Rabin hysteria cow for all the sour milk it would give. And around this time of the year, when Israel’s left commemorates the Rabin assassination on the Hebrew date, then on the general calendar date, and then on all the dates in between, the art of Rabinizing absolutely every expression that challenges the left is blossoming. The logic goes: you object to the peace process – Yigal Amir objected to the peace process – Yigal Amir assassinated Yitzhak Rabin – you are an assassin.

Of course, Amir Peretz is more likely to be the victim of mischief, because of the capped binoculars…

On with our Israeli Political Science 101 lecture this morning: so you’ve seen already how Tzipi Livni has a clear conflict of interest when it comes to the new legislation regarding the release of killer Arabs. What you didn’t know, possibly, was that her third hat is that of Chair of the Ministerial Committee on Legislation. Meaning that she decides which legislation should be entertained by the committee and hence by the Knesset, and which legislation should never see the light of day.

New Netanyahu Coalition Govt All Cobbled and Ready, Maybe

Monday, March 18th, 2013

On Monday evening, the Knesset will host the swearing in ceremony for Israel’s 33rd government, and Benjamin Netanyahu’s third term—second consecutive—as prime minister (his first term ran from June 1996 to July 1999).

Immediately after the ceremony, Netanyahu will convene a brief cabinet meeting, with a toast. Then the bunch (22 ministers and 8 deputies) will travel to the presidential residence, for the traditional group picture.

The Knesset session will open with the selection of the Speaker of the House. It will likely be Likud MK Yuli Edelstein, who will replace the former Speaker, Reuven Rivlin, who wanted very much to continue in his post but, unfortunately, had committed the ultimate sin of criticizing the Prime Minister’s anti-democratic tendencies, not the kind of slight which Netanyahu’s wife Sara easily forgives.

As usual, Netanyahu never shared with Rivlin his plan to depose him. In fact, as far back as a year ago, he assured the popular Speaker—who is also closely associated with the Settlement movement—that he’d have his support for the post of President when Shimon Peres completes his 7-year term, 2014.

Yuli Edelstein’s life’s story is fascinating: Born in the Soviet Union to Jewish parents who converted to Christianity (his father is a Russian Orthodox priest), Edelstein discovered his Jewish connection through his grandparents. He studied Hebrew back when that was considered a subversive act, for which, in 1984, he was sent to Siberia (the charges were drug related, but everybody knew it was the Hebrew thing). He made aliyah with his wife, Tanya, served in the army, and entered politics, ending up in the Knesset in 1996. He has switched between several parties, until finally landing in the Likud, and has held several ministerial portfolios. And if he doesn’t catch Sara’s ire, he could become as memorable a Speaker as Rubie Rivlin.

But the biggest losers, without a doubt, are the Haredi parties, Shas and United Torah Judaism. They were almost literally kicked out by Yair Lapid, who stated openly that, should he be seen in the government group picture with the Haredim, his voters would abandon him. Surprisingly, Naftali Bennett, his newly found brother from a different father (Yair’s father, the late MK Tommy Lapid, was a true hater of the religion), supported the dubious position that, in order to truly help the Haredi public, government had to first be cleared of Haredi partners.

Shas, a party that depends completely on patronage for its very existence, is seething with anger over Bennett’s “betrayal.” It’s hard, however, to take seriously the victimized self-pity of Shas, whose spiritual father Rav Ovadia Yosef dubbed the Jewish Home party a “Goy Home.” Altogether, it appears that, perhaps counter intuitively, the National Religious leaders as well as the rank and file, have been harboring heaps of resentment against the Haredim. The Haredi slights of several decades, including their occupation of the Ministry of Religious Services and the Chief rabbinate, doling out jobs to Haredi officials who reigned over a population that looks nothing like them—those slighted chickens have been coming back to roost.

Take for instance Rabbi Hayim Drukman, who responded to both the Haredi pols and to Netanyahu, who accused the Lapid-Bennett axis of “boycotting” the Haredi parties. Rabbi Drukman Argued that “the Haredi public are the biggest boycotters, boycotting for years the Torah of the national religious public.”

“Any Haredi apparatchik who gets elected to the Knesset, immediately becomes a rabbi, while the real rabbis of the national religious public are noted in the Haredi press by their first names (without the title ‘Rabbi’). Is this not boycotting?” Rabbi Druckman wrote in the Saturday shul paper “Olam Katan.”

Inside Shas, the short knives have already been drawn and they’re aimed at MK Aryeh Deri, the former convict who came back from the cold to lead Shas into a glorious stalemate (11 seats before, 11 after).

“We were very disappointed in Deri,” a senior Shas pol told Ma’ariv. “He did not bring the votes he promised Rav Ovadia, there was no significant change in seats, and, in fact, Deri is responsible for our failure.”

In United Torah Judaism they also seem to regret their alliance with Shas, it’s highly likely that, in a few months, they’ll opt to enter the government without Shas.

Knesset Member Peretz Suspected of Vote-Buying

Tuesday, March 5th, 2013

Two Knesset Members from the last Knesset’s Labor party were involved in vote-buying in the party’s 2012 primaries, according to Yediot Acharonot. Labor leader Shelly Yechimovich named one of them as Amir Peretz, who ditched Labor to run with Tzipi Livni’s party in the January general elections.

She told Army Radio Tuesday that she knows that one of those being probed by police is Peretz, and the Labor party issued a statement condemning vote buying. The other suspect, currently as Labor MK, was not named.

Peretz vehemently denied the accusations, called them libel and characterized Yechimovich as a bad person.

Last week, police said they are investigating similar charges against Knesset Member Nissim Slomiansky of the Jewish Home party. Party chairman Naftali Bennett suspected him of vote-buying because of his stunning victory in the recent election even though he was not supported by Bennett.

Insiders: Amir Peretz Is Taking Over Tzipi Livni’s Movement

Monday, December 24th, 2012

It’s been two weeks since former defense minister MK Amir Peretz has jumped ship from the Labor Party to The Movement Headed by Tzipi Livni, which, according to recent polls, would collect about half as many seats as Labor in the January 22 election. Having recovered from the shock of seeing a central Labor figure (Peretz also served as head of the Histadrut, Israel’s largest trades union), the press is now reporting on the first screeches of a shiduch gone wrong.

To put it bluntly, based on a report in Monday’s Maariv, there have been increasing complaints from Livni’s people (in a movement essentially tailored around her girlish waist), that Peretz has been on an invasion campaign, trying to take over the party’s apparatus.

Those sources have been telling Maariv that Peretz is pushing his people into key positions up and down the party hierarchy. “We joined Tzipi Livni’s party, only to find ourselves in Am Echad (Peretz’s past faction),” one source wishing to remain anonymous told the newspaper.

The source, a female member of the Movement, continued: “It began with the people who came along with Tzipi, and had waited patiently for her during the time she was outside (after her loss of the Kadima chairmanship to Shaul Mofaz in the summer – YY), and reported for duty as soon as she announced her new party. But one minute after Amir got in, the entire campaign management, the entire distribution of assignments, all of it comes from him. Livni’s people were told clearly that they’ll get jobs only if there’s anything left after Amir makes his appointments.”

According to this disgruntled party member, campaign assignments for current MKs and for candidates for the coming Knesset have been meted out on Peretz’s decisions. “It’s not clear how much, if at all, Tzipi is aware of what’s taking place inside her own party,” sources inside the movement were saying. “She doesn’t want to deal with the politics of iot at all, which is why it’s not at all clear that she knows what’s happening. But her people, on the other hand, are extremely bothered by this.”

Amir Peretz has the dual job of campaign chairman and election day campaign chairman, which gives him the authority to make the bulk of the central appointments, and some say all of the appointments, which, critically, means assigning and empowering the party’s field operators.

A partial list of the key appointments in the Movement’s campaign headquarters includes nothing but staunch Peretz loyalists. It includes campaign manager Shmulik Cohen and campaign treasurer Freddie Cohen, who also serves as the party’s representative on the state’s election committee. The list includes Amir Peretz’s brother in law Sammy Shoshan, Peretz’s former youth organizer Roi Shindler, and “vote broker” Moshe Peretz.

The simple explanation for this “friendly” takeover, according to other party sources, is that Peretz and his people are better at doing the ground work. They eat and drink this kind of work, and between campaigns they’re out there visiting activists, shaking hands, dropping in on weddings, Britot and bar mitzvahs, and keeping their rollerdexes alive. Also – while Amir Peretz is ready to go to war over each one of his appointments, Tzipi Livni is aloof and outright disinterested. This is, essentially, why she lost the Kadima chairmanship to Mofaz.

Peretz offered Livni a ready-made campaign apparatus which is the envy of many parties in Israel. It was exactly the component she so desperately lacked. The price was to betray the small group of loyalists who had stayed with her through thick and, especially, thin. That part was easy.

When Peretz originally announced his move away from Labor, it was welcomed with a huge sigh of relief by his past protégé and current nemesis Shelly Yechimovitch. Shelly had been troubled by the damage that Peretz’s well oiled campaign troops could cause her from the inside. In her case, it was an unexpected gift to have him standing outside the tent facing in (you complete Lyndon Johnson’s metaphor for yourself, this is a frum publication, you know).

But if Tzipi Livni expects Peretz to be satisfied with his role as her deputy and field operator, she has a new thing coming. According to her people, Peretz has been conducting direct and intense meetings with everyone on the top-10 list, and, no doubt, making promises he could only deliver if they pushed him past Livni. It’s what Amir Peretz does, his access to large blocks of voters is his strong point, and he is going to cash in on it.

Amir Peretz, Formerly of Labor, Embraces Tzipi

Thursday, December 6th, 2012

Amir Peretz, former Histadrut union chief and former Defense Minister, is now a former member of the Avoda (Labor) party. He is moving over to the Movement (HaTnuah) party of Tzipi Livni (former head of Kadima, and former Foreign Minister).

Also moving over to Livni’s party is former general Elazar Stern. Stern announced on the radio that he fully supports the two-state solution. Although formerly considered center, his embrace of the two-state solution puts him squarely on the left.

Meanwhile, there are now plenty of new former Kadima members. Dalia Itzik announced her retirement from politics, and Roni Bar-On has resigned.

Dalia Itzik also implied that former PM Ehud Olmert would not be running this time around, after all the speculation that he might. For herself, Itzik has said, “Presidential hope is not dead.”

Exciting stuff.

Results in from Labor Primaries

Friday, November 30th, 2012

Results are in from the Labor party primaries held on Thursday.

On Wednesday we published Shelly Yechimovitch’s blacklist of Labor party members she didn’t want to see high up in the party.  Three of them made the top five positions.

1. Shelly Yechimovitch
2. Isaac Herzog
3. Amir Peretz
4. Eitan Cabel
5. Meirav Michaeli
6. Binyamin “Fuad” Ben-Eliezer
7. Chilik Bar
8. Omar Bar Lev
9. Stav Shaffir
10. Avishai Braverman
11. Arel Margalit
12. Itzik Shmuli
13. Miki Rosental
14. Michal Biran
15. Nachman Shai
16. Moshe Mizrachi
17. Dani Atar
18. Nadia Hilo
20 Nino Absadza
21. Yossi Yona
22. Daniel Ben-Simon
23. Over Kornfeld
24 Chili Tropper

28. Yariv Oppenheimer

Who Is Responsible For Our Children?

Wednesday, September 17th, 2008

In the past weeks Israel has been rocked by a rash of murders – murders of children at the hands of their parents or in one case, the grandfather. These murders are horror stories that we hope are the exception to the rule. But they have triggered an important public debate: To what degree should the state be involved in the relationship between parents and their children? Were the police at fault for not allowing a non-parental complaint to be filed, concerning the disappearance of Rose, one of the murdered children? Should the state now keep track of parents who do not bring their children for medical checkups and vaccinations? Should it investigate the parenting skills of its citizens? What are the limits of authority of the welfare and education systems? Who is responsible for the children? The state? Or the parents?


Everybody seems to agree that the murders were possible because the state didn’t discover that there was a problem in time to solve it. “We must learn from our mistakes,” the officials lament. “[We must] perfect all our state mechanisms, increase surveillance and make our follow-up more efficient so that the next time, the suspicion of the authorities will be raised in time. The mechanisms will solve the problem, and we will not have to face the horror.”


In my opinion, the solution can be found at the very opposite end of the spectrum. The problem is not the state’s lack of responsibility, or its lack of surveillance of Israel’s citizens. Just the opposite! The problem is that the state takes too much responsibility over the lives of its citizens. It has educated/conditioned us to mind our own business and not take responsibility for what is happening around us. The more that a state is centralized and interferes with its citizens’ lives, the more its citizens are estranged from each other and shirk responsibility for their communities – and even for their own children.


Israel’s Mandatory Education Law is a prime example. On the surface, it seems to be a wonderful law. The state sees to it that every child in Israel will receive the education that he needs. And how has this law interfaced with reality? Israel’s children finish 12 years of studies, but place behind Iranian children in their achievement tests. They do not know where they came from or where they are going, the words “Shema Yisrael” are like Chinese to them, and they are clueless about their basic identity.


What has happened? We have become accustomed to the fact that the Education Ministry – and not the parents – is responsible for our children’s education. That is exactly what the Mandatory Education Law says. The truth, however, is that parents could easily arrange a much better education for their children than what the state offers. With proper preparation, they could pay the best teachers very respectable salaries and still come out with change.


Shocked? How can parents shoulder responsibility for their children’s education? Israelis have been conditioned to think that education is the state’s responsibility. If people were not conditioned to automatically place all responsibility on the state, the neighbors of the murdered children might have seen the warning signs that could have prevented these horrors. But the socialist state eliminated the traditional community structure in order to empower the central government. In Israel, the entire state is one large community. In other words, it is one large, centralized regime whereby we all vote directly – for political parties.


In 97 percent of the world’s democracies, the electoral system is district-based and the citizen sends his personal representatives to the parliament. This method decentralizes the regime, develops and empowers the community structure, and restores responsibility to the citizens.
“We will not allow philanthropists to take control of our distress,” Amir Peretz cried when billionaire Arcady Gaydamak erected a tent city to house Israel’s refugees during the Second Lebanon War. This amazing sentence explains the entire situation in a nutshell. A centralized government, by its very nature, gains from our distress. Distress is an asset that keeps the small citizen dependent on Big Brother. In the short (and even the medium) term, the state will solve some problems. But an essential solution will never be produced.


We don’t want any more heartbreaking horror stories. It is time to restore responsibility to the citizens.


(Translated from the article that appeared on Israel’s NRG website.)


Moshe Feiglin is the founder and president of Manhigut Yehudit, the largest faction inside the Likud party. Manhigut Yehudit (Jewish Leadership) strives to restore Jewish values, pride and integrity to the State of Israel. For more information or to order Feiglin’s newest book, The War of Dreams, visit www.jewishisrael.org.

Printed from: http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/columns/who-is-responsible-for-our-children/2008/09/17/

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