web analytics
April 16, 2014 / 16 Nisan, 5774
At a Glance

Posts Tagged ‘disengagement’

What Seven Years Have Wrought

Friday, September 14th, 2012

Seven years ago, on September 12, 2005, the government of Israel withdrew its defense forces from each of the 23 hitherto-vibrant Israeli communities in the cluster known as Gush Katif. All public buildings including schools, libraries, community centres, office buildings, industrial buildings, factories and greenhouses which could not be taken apart were left intact [source].

The hyper-productive Israeli agricultural and horticultural greenhouses that had generated sales, profits and jobs are gone – promptly destroyed by the new masters of Gush Katif and of Gaza. Terrorist training facilities have sprouted on the ruins of the abandoned Israeli towns. The vision of a self-sustaining, forward-looking, peace-seeking Gaza has vanished. Some ten thousand Israelis left Gush Katif to make their homes elsewhere.

During these past seven years, we have been witness to the conversion of Gush Katif into an armed camp, an arsenal from which some 9,400 rockets and missiles [source] have been fired at the Israeli civilians and communities on the other side of the fence.

The IDF Spokesperson’s Facebook page today says: ”Seven years ago today we disengaged from the Gaza Strip”. A photo of two Gaza terrorists preparing a missile to fire at Israel’s appears below it [see at right], along with a message suggesting the photo be shared in order to “show the world Israel’s true neighbors. Share this, because mainstream media won’t.”

The mainstream media generally avoid showing scenes like those below, as well. They are September 2012 images from Rafah in the Gaza Strip, where the Hamas overlords use Soviet-style wall posters to hammer home the message that the men firing the rockets and carrying the sub-machine guns are the people’s heroes.

Visit This Ongoing War.

Why Gush Katif Still Matters

Saturday, August 25th, 2012

The expulsion of 10,000 Jews from their homes five years ago was not a localized event in the Gaza Strip. It was a national implosion, a national disgrace. It caused enormous physical, psychological, social, cultural, military and strategic damage to the entire nation – and it still does. Like an ecological disaster, its foulness still seeps through our foundations, and continues to poison us.

Undermined by enforcing a political agenda, the entire political system, the media and judicial institutions refused to act responsibly. Basic civil and human rights of Jews were abandoned. Those responsible for welfare and proper compensation misled and lied; led by SELA, the Disengagement Authority, Israel was in denial.

Israel’s political – and many of its spiritual – leaders, those for whom we voted and in whom we trusted, failed to organize and prevent this catastrophe. Ministers who disagreed were fired; public debate was suppressed.

Knesset members were impotent and negligent; they did not insist on proper procedures, to which all citizens are entitled; and no one was held accountable.

The IDF, which virtually all Israelis closely identify with and believe in, was brainwashed. Israeli soldiers were turned into zombies; those who refused to participate in the Gaza expulsions were heavily punished – a misuse of the IDF that was both illegal and immoral.

The media protected Ariel Sharon and those who planned, organized and carried out their pernicious plans because they agreed with his agenda. The perpetrators were even honored and promoted. Military and strategic advisers who disagreed with Sharon remained silent in order to keep their positions.

We believed those we elected, as well as the very institutions of government, were fair and honest. We were wrong.

The destruction of 25 Jewish communities was – and remains – a symbol of national betrayal. The same toxic thinking led to the removal of Jewish communities from the Sinai and to the Oslo accords, which brought PLO terrorists to power and caused the slaughter and wounding of thousands of Jews. The product of corruption, deception, greed and arrogance, the Gaza disengagement is an example of cruel indifference and the abuse of power.

The disengagement left a deep wound that will not heal – not only because lives and homes were destroyed but because it was immoral, unjust and irrational. The knife of perfidy is still in our spiritual guts; it is an ongoing trauma – and not just to the people who suffered physically and mentally. The disengagement, as Hamas and Hizbullah remind us, symbolizes not pride and victory but our shame and defeat.

The tragedy of the policy of retreat, i.e., unilateral withdrawal – still advocated by people like Defense Minister Ehud Barak – is that it accomplished nothing.

Billions of dollars were wasted that could have been spent to improve roads (which would have saved hundreds of lives every year), improve our educational and health systems, construct a fence along the Egyptian border to prevent smuggling and illegal immigration, provide public housing, and build an efficient rapid transit system.

Imagine the billions that would have been saved and more billions earned every year by implementing such projects.

Obsessed by the task of destroying Jewish communities and propagandizing the public, Ariel Sharon’s government neglected Israel’s security, endangering us all.

The government failed to respond to Iran’s nuclear threat, which in 2005 consisted of only one facility; it failed to prepare the IDF for the threat from Hizbullah, which led to Israel’s failures in 2006; it failed to protect Israelis near the Gaza Strip from bombardment, failed to stem the rise of Hamas in Gaza; and it failed to stop the proliferation of smuggling tunnels, thereby setting the stage for the incursion into Gaza in 2009.

Those who planned and executed the disengagement, those who supported it, those who volunteered to help carry it out, and those who remained silent are responsible for this trauma. While talking incessantly about peace with Arabs, they ignore the need to make peace with their fellow Jews. But there has been no inquiry and no investigation; no one was blamed or punished – or even took responsibility – for this failure.

An official commission was convened because nine Muslim militants who tried to murder IDF soldiers were killed aboard a Gaza-bound ship; yet no commission was assigned to investigate the national tragedy of Gush Katif.

Since Unilateral Disengagement Worked So Well The Last Time…

Wednesday, June 6th, 2012

In a recent speech, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak suggested that Israel consider unilaterally disengaging from Judea and Samaria.

“If it is impossible to reach an agreement with the Palestinians,” he said, “we should consider an interim arrangement, or even a unilateral disengagement.”

Now, why didn’t anyone else think of extracting this exquisitely brilliant idea from history’s dust bin? Where are all the smart liberal idealists? How could so many Israeli government officials, university professors, military strategists and other great minds be so blind to so obvious a solution staring them in the face?

The Gush Katif expulsion of nearly ten thousand Jews – the destruction of their homes, the obliteration of beautiful communities that stood as a defense line for cities, towns and villages within the Green Line – has worked out just fine, hasn’t it?

To Barak, apparently, the tranquil nights, quiet days and neighborly love experienced by the residents of Sderot, Ashkelon, Ashdod and elsewhere are illustrative of how unilateralism, though designed to punish the uncooperative side in the conflict, can become the brilliant solution that has evaded Israel since the Six-Day War.

Disengagement, they call it in English, hitnatkut in Hebrew. It is a situation where one side is disconnected, detached and disentangled from the other. It is a state of affairs in which I concentrate on doing my thing while you do yours. We are both left alone to proceed as best we can toward the horizon of peace and prosperity, safety and well being, as each of us sees fit.

Why does Defense Minister Barak – who ran away from Lebanon, was ready to gamble away the entire West Bank and Jerusalem to the arch-murderer Arafat, enthusiastically supported the expulsion of the Gush Katif Jews, and blatantly tramples on the rights of the settlers – seem to be the only one with such clarity of mind?

How I wish Ariel Sharon would wake up to see the Messianic days of redemption and goodwill he heralded with his unilateral move to punish PA President Mahmoud Abbas for not playing fair. How I wish the clock could be reversed a bit to allow Barak to congratulate Sharon for brilliantly executing a step in the right direction.

I can visualize the two men sitting in the residential quarters of Sharon’s sprawling farm, drinking a toast to the past and contemplating similar success in the future. We are blessed, truly blessed, by minds such as these.

Then again, if Sharon were around and if they did sit down and discuss the implementation of the next assault on Jewish lives, homes and businesses, who would take credit? It is said that two kings cannot sit on the same throne.

Sharon is not waking up and Barak’s latest suggestion for another unilateral disengagement/expulsion reveals him to be either sleepwalking or comatose in his own right.

Neither condition bodes well for Israel.

Isaac Kohn is senior vice president of Prime Care Consultants.

Barak Threatens Unilateral Withdrawal from Judea and Samaria

Wednesday, May 30th, 2012

Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak suggested on Wednesday that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government will initiate “unilateral action” should peace talks with the Palestinian Authority remain stalled.

Barak said Israel will withdraw unilaterally from some of Judea and Samaria, in a manner similar to the evacuation of Gush Katif and its military presence in the Gaza Strip.

Back in the summer of 2005, some 8,600 Jewish residents and the entire IDF presence were pulled beyond the “green line” and most of their homes and possessions were abandoned.

Barak warned the Palestinians that time was running out on their chances to reach an accord with Israel.

On Tuesday, Netanyahu urged the Palestinian Authority to “give peace a chance” and “not to miss this unique opportunity” for peace. Netanyahu spoke at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS).

In a speech before the INSS on Wednesday, Barak said that “Israel cannot afford to tread water.” He warned that if it turns out that a permanent peace agreement with the Palestinians “proves to be impossible, we have to consider a provisional arrangement or even unilateral action.”

In Wednesday’s NY Times, former Foreign Minister and Security Minister Shlomo Ben-Ami collaborated with Nobel Prize in Economics winner Thomas C. Schelling, Director of the Peace Consultancy Project at the University of Maryland Jerome M. Segal, and former European Union’s High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana, on an op-ed piece titled “Going Directly to Israelis and Palestinians,” calling for the revival of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP), which in 1947 submitted the Partition Resolution, later to become UN resolution 181.

But, despite the reasonable-sounding argument they make, that the new committee “First and foremost, it would listen to the Israelis and the Palestinians,” by calling for a UNSCOP-2 the authors of that article are placing Israel and the PA on an equal level, an approach which pre-determines the two-state solution.

Likewise, the “warnings” coming from Netanyahu and Barak do not threaten Israel’s Palestinian partners that—should they fail to negotiate in good faith—they would lose their chance for a state. Both leaders seem to have embraced the two-state option as the only possible course of action.

On Tuesday, Netanyahu told the INSS conference that “we and the Palestinians need to reach a peace agreement to prevent the creation of a binational state,” where Israel would lose its Jewish majority.

“We don’t want to rule the Palestinians and we don’t want the Palestinians as citizens of Israel,” he said.

Former Palestinian chief negotiator Saeb Erekat expressed doubts regarding Israel’s willingness to make sacrifices for peace. “If they want to reach an agreement, they know they can, based on a two-state solution,” he told the AP on Wednesday. “Unilateralism is the name of the game for this government, which is very unfortunate and complicates and undermines the prospect of peace.”

Why Boycotts on Products from Judea and Samaria are Counterproductive

Monday, April 30th, 2012

Recent reports of a major British supermarket chain tightening its boycott on products from Israeli companies and businesses beyond the Green Line has again raised the question about the effectiveness of such boycotts. The questions should not be how effective they are, but rather who is affected by them. The answer is that those harmed by boycotts on Israeli products from Judea and Samaria are first and foremost the Palestinians themselves.

There are fourteen industrial centers dispersed throughout Judea and Samaria, which include some eight hundred factories and businesses. Seventeen thousand employees work at these centers, eleven thousand of them Palestinians. According to data presented by the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics, the employees earn two to three times more than the average pay earned by the Palestinian population, and receive – as prescribed by Israeli law – full social benefits. Based on the Arab familial structure in the region that is comprised of Hamulot, large families, it is estimated that these workers support over 100,000 people who are dependent on them.

A secondary source of livelihood has developed around these centers in the form of the provision of transportation for the employees, haulage of product and materials, services and equipment suppliers, so an even larger segment of the local population makes a living through Israeli entrepreneurship in this region.

The Palestinian Authority has recently encountered a severe financial crisis, which intensifies the Palestinian need for these workplaces in the settlements.

Firas Raad, representative of The Quartet, has stated that it’s a fact that economical cooperation is good for both sides. Israel provides a large and strong economy, financial and technical knowledge, transit capabilities and contacts with outer markets, and the Palestinians offer a quality and comparably cheap workforce.

Therefore, boycotting Israeli products from the settlements essentially harms Palestinian livelihood. If these factories are shut down, most Israeli workers will find another source of employment, as opposed to the Palestinians who will have no source of income. Such an example occurred recently when a factory from the Barkan industrial park was moved within the Green Line. The Jewish workers were able to keep their jobs, as opposed to the ninety Arab workers from the nearby villages who lost their jobs because they did not receive the proper work permits.

It is sufficient to mention the disengagement from Gaza, which resulted in the destruction of the many fields, green houses and factories that provided a source of employment for the local population. These workplaces were shut down after the disengagement, leaving many Arabs, who were former employees, behind with no source of income.

All these facts stand in stark contrast to claims of usury and disinheritance of the Palestinians that are lobbed against the Settlers.

A World Gone Mad (Continued)

Wednesday, September 1st, 2010

In last week’s column I related the story of a legendary city in which the harvest was poisoned and rendered people mad. The citizens were confronted by a hard choice -eat and become mad or die of starvation. After much deliberation, the king decided, “In order to live, we must eat, but we dare not forget that we have gone mad, so everyone must place a sign on his forehead reading, ‘Don’t forget, we are mad.’ Thus, we will be able to gauge our actions and one day return to normalcy.”

Our world, too, has gone mad, but we don’t have anyone to remind us of our condition, so we don’t realize we are mad. For example, the plan to build a mosque on the spot where Mohamed Atta and his cohorts cried out, “Allahu Akbar” as they struck the most brutal wound, in the heart of America, in our nation’s history.

It’s one thing for Americans to go mad, but it is something else again when Israel loses it. Israel is too small a country, and too vulnerable to lose it. She cannot afford to take chances, surrounded by nations who aim to annihilate her, and must be constantly vigilant.

What is incomprehensible is that Israel – the Jewish people, renowned for their brilliance – “A nation that is wise and understanding” can be so obtuse, and self-destructive. “They have eyes and they see not; they have ears and they hear not; they have memories and yet they do not remember.” How else can one explain Israel’s willingness to sit down once again to give away land to those who do not recognize her existence?

Was it only five short years ago that Israel embarked upon “disengagement,” a sanitized word coined by the Sharon government for the deportation of Jews from their G-d-given inheritance?

After almost 2,000 years of suffering, pogroms and Holocaust, we rose from the ashes and returned to our homeland. We redeemed the barren soil, converted deserts into gardens, planted orchards and forests, which none of Israel’s occupiers have ever done. We did that which was miraculous, but for us, it was normal, for our prophets predicted it. We are the generation that has been privileged to see the fulfillment of prophecy, but we too ate of the poisonous products of the 20th and 21st centuries and have lost our faith, our vision. Yes, we too have gone mad. How else can one explain that five short years after Gush Katif, we are at it again, but this time the stakes are higher – Yehuda, Shomron, and parts of Yerushalayim are on the negotiating table.

As mentioned earlier, “disengagement” was a euphemism invented by the Sharon government to market this catastrophic, suicidal travesty to the nation. It was the largest non-combat operation in the history of Israel. Fifty thousand Israeli soldiers were deployed to forcibly evict over 9,000 Jewish citizens and render the area “Judenrein.” The Israelis, so cruelly uprooted, had toiled and sacrificed for almost 40 years. They built houses, synagogues, schools, planted gardens and created hot houses, from which they exported produce, boosting Israel’s economy.

Twenty-one beautiful Jewish communities were demolished and their people expelled. Their tears surely pierced the Heavenly gates, but here on earth the “wise” politicians sold this under the label of “disengagement.” “It will be better for us. We will no longer be trapped in Gaza. We will have peace on our southern borders. The nations of the world will respect us for our sacrifice. The Arabs will applaud our willingness to resolve the conflict with a two-state solution. They will grow economically, prosper and we will live in harmony.”

Not only did the opposite occur, but Israel gave credence to the lie that a Palestinian state had existed, which Israel destroyed and was responsible to recreate. No sooner did Israel evacuate her people and demolish her settlements, than the entire area became a terrorist base from whence missiles rained day and night on Israel’s towns and villages. Children huddled in fear in dark underground shelters and could not go to school.

It is against this background that we must understand the present demand that Israel withdraw from Yehuda, Shomron and parts of Yerushalayim. This would require that Israel forcibly uproot over 100,000 of her citizens from the West Bank. Such a withdrawal would, G-d forbid, jeopardize the entire existence of the state.

Some argue that it is not Hamas, but “moderate” Fatah that would be in charge of the West Bank, but Gaza disproved that. Even if Fatah were to rule, it would make little difference; there is really no difference between Fatah and Hamas.

Thirty-six years ago, Yasir Arafat was given a standing ovation at the UN when he proclaimed that Israel has no right to exist. Since then nothing has changed. If anything, the situation has deteriorated. Just recently, in Mahmoud Abbas’ capital, a square was renamed in honor of Dalai Mughrabi, who in 1978, with 11 other terrorists, highjacked an Israeli bus and slaughtered 32 Israelis and one American. These so-called “Fatah moderates” glorify the murder of Jews and idolize the murderers.

Yet we have not learned. Like madmen we continue on our suicidal course, trusting the nations of the world, hoping they will champion our cause. We fail to understand that our destiny has always been to stand alone – “Hen am l’vadad yishkon…” for it is through our loneliness that G-d’s Hand becomes manifest in history. David defeated Goliath, not through might, but through his faith and trust in Hashem. When that faith is eclipsed, when we no longer place our trust in Him, we become easy prey.

In previous columns, I mentioned that my husband, HaRav Meshulem HaLevi Jungreis, zt”l, would always form an acronym from the letters of the forthcoming New Year. I believe that were he with us today, he would say that this New Year of Tav, Shin, Ayin, Aleph be a symbol of “Tehei Shnat Am Echad.” Let us unify our nation around our Torah and G-d, and if we do that, we can bring redemption to ourselves and the entire world.

Anatomy Of Collapse (Part I)

Wednesday, August 6th, 2008


          The Three Weeks of mourning for the Holy Temple in Jerusalem that stretch from the 17th of Tammuz to the 9th of Av now hold additional tragic memorial days. This year we will commemorate the third anniversary of the expulsion from Gush Katif and Northern Shomron, the “sensitive but determined” pogrom that the Jews perpetrated against their brothers – referred to in Israeli newspeak as the “disengagement.” During this time, we also commemorate the second anniversary of the “War for the Success of the Convergence Plan.” In Israeli newspeak it is called the “Second Lebanon War,” the war that was supposed to have afforded a ‘tail wind’ (Prime Minister Olmert’s words) to the expulsion of the Jews from the rest of Judea and Samaria.


 

In all the ceremonies held to commemorate the second anniversary of the war, nobody dared tell the truth. And the destruction of the Jewish communities of Gush Katif and Northern Shomron is still called “disengagement,” even though it has created the strongest engagement ever between Israel and Gaza. Just ask the residents of Ashkelon when the disengagement ended and the engagement began.

 

For those people who wish to retain their liberty to think, I humbly proffer the following update. It contains a short, simple and uncensored synopsis of the “disengagement” and the “war”:


                                     IDF Flees South Lebanon

 

Broadcaster Shelly Yechimovitz and the Four Mothers antiwar movement goad then Prime Minister Ehud Barak into a retreat from South Lebanon. Israel’s best interests turn out to be no match for cheap political populism. Barak orders the IDF to flee South Lebanon, abandoning Israel’s allied South Lebanon Army in the process. As a result of the humiliating retreat, the northern third of the State of Israel enters Hizbullah missile range.


                                              The Temple Mount War

 

Barak’s attempt to give Jerusalem to the Arabs unleashes another round of violence that Israel calls “Intifada 2000.” The Arabs are more to the point, labeling the violence “The Temple Mount War.” Barak loses the premiership. The Israeli public, disgusted with the Oslo process, elects Ariel Sharon – a strong rightist leader – to restore Israel to a path of sanity and national pride. 


                                                “Restraint Is Might”

 

Just like the right-wing leaders who preceded him, Sharon sheds his rightist rhetoric as soon as he comes to power. Instead, he sings a new, leftist tune: “Restraint is Might.” The slippery slope of nationalism devoid of commitment to Jewish faith consistently leaves nationalist leaders captive to the Oslo disintegration mentality. Sharon’s corrupt dealings accelerate the process. Menachem Begin wanted the legitimacy of the Left and retreated from Sinai. Sharon needs more than legitimacy from the Left. He needs his freedom.

 

Sharon surprises the public with his total expulsion plan – typical of his bulldozer personality and his need to protect himself from investigations and prison. Unlike Begin, Sharon does not proceed in a democratic manner. He does not put his plan up for public approval, and cynically ignores the decision of his own party opposing the plan.


                                                 Winds Of Fascism

 

The power elites in Israel enthusiastically adopt the plan to destroy the Jewish communities of Gush Katif and Northern Shomron. Unlike the peace treaty with Egypt and its offspring, Oslo, the “disengagement plan” could not be sold to the Israeli public as a new dream. Instead, the government simply explains that it is necessary to carry out the non-violent pogrom because that is what has been decided, and that obedience to the state is above any moral consideration. Disengagement Israel totters dangerously on the brink of fascism.


                                        Failure Of The Settler Leadership

 

If the Orange public had had rabbinic and political leadership with a Jewish liberty mentality and Jewish values system, the disengagement would have been relatively easy to stop. But at each of the three crucial junctions of the anti-expulsion struggle – conscientious objection, the struggle on Israel’s highways, and the physical presence of thousands in Gush Katif (Kfar Maimon) – there is a collapse. This collapse is first rabbinic, then political. The motivated multitude of people who came to save Gush Katif finds itself perfidiously led to nowhere. The fate of Gush Katif and Northern Shomron is sealed.

 

From the IDF reports on the disengagement, we learn that the soldiers who refused to take part in the crime were generally those who “were not under the influence of the rabbis.” It is hard to think of a greater desecration of God’s Name than enlisting the Torah to neutralize an effective struggle against the destruction of Jewish communities in the Land of Israel. But that is exactly what happened in Av, 5765.

 

                                                          (To be continued)

 

To learn more about Moshe Feiglin and Manhigut Yehudit (Jewish Leadership), or to order Feiglin’s newest book, “The War of Dreams,” visit http://www.jewishisrael.org/.


 

War On Gaza?

Wednesday, February 27th, 2008

      As calls for all-out war on Gaza increase, it is important to set things straight. As I explained this week in an interview (on the Knesset channel of Israel TV), there is no reason for Israel to enter Gaza unless it intends to stay there, expel the hostile elements, declare Israeli sovereignty and build 100 Gush Katifs.

 

      It is unacceptable to send Israeli soldiers to almost certain death in the booby-trapped alleys of Jabalya for no real purpose. It is not an option to send them to fight, weighed down by a Christian ethical code that prefers their deaths to the deaths of hostile civilians. And worst of all, it is unthinkable to send them to give their lives to conquer the Gaza Strip; to take it away from an arch-terrorist from Hamas, and turn it over to a different arch-terrorist from Fatah who, after a short break, will thank us by renewing the Kassam fire on Israel.

 

      A war on Gaza now will suit Prime Minister Ehud Olmert well. After allowing the situation in the Negev to reach the boiling point, he will stage a war with wall-to-wall public and political support. The war will not solve the problem because it will not be fought with the ultimate objective in mind: to win and remain in Gaza. But there will be deaths and funerals, and these will create public pressure. Olmert will attempt to diffuse the pressure by destroying settlements and throwing their residents into the streets. Soldiers will be killed, settlements will be destroyed – and the Kassams and terror will steadily increase. But in the dust kicked up by all the turmoil, Olmert will have bought himself another two years in office.

 

      If Manhigut Yehudit says “no” to war on Gaza, then what exactly do we propose?

 

      We have proposed a bill in the Knesset that would mandate complete disengagement from Gaza. No, this is not the ideal option. The ideal option, as above, is to re-conquer Gaza, drive out all hostile elements and make it flourish with Jewish settlements. But as long as we do not have leadership that believes in our historic right to the entire Land of Israel, and as long as we do not have leadership that will initiate a war on Gaza to re-conquer and settle it, we must not endanger our soldiers for nothing.

 

      The next best thing we can do is demand complete disengagement from Gaza. We must not supply them with anything. No bread, no electricity, no fuel, no gas – and if it would be possible, no air, either. Any hostility from Gaza should be met with heavy artillery fire to force them to pull the missile launchers all the way into Gaza City and turn all the launching territory into a sure-death zone. The longer the range of the missiles, the farther the sure-death zone will have to extend.

 

      What if the world protests?

 

      In the 41 years that have passed since the miraculous Six-Day War, the State of Israel has done all in its power to convince the world that the Land of Israel belongs to its enemies. We have nobody to blame for that but ourselves. As long as Israel continues to justify the claims of its enemies, it is difficult to think about a return to national sanity. Complete disengagement from Gaza is the most that we can expect from Israel’s current leaders. If Israel is convinced that this action is just, the rest of the world will be convinced as well, and negative world opinion will dissipate.

 

      It is important to join the residents of Sderot in their protests. But our message must be clear: We demand complete disengagement from Gaza - not cynical sacrifice of more soldiers in a rerun of the recent Lebanon war.

 

      To learn more about Moshe Feiglin andManhigut Yehudit (Jewish Leadership), and their plan for Israel’s future – and to order Feiglin’s newest book, The War of Dreams- visit http://www.jewishisrael.org/.

Printed from: http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/columns/war-on-gaza/2008/02/27/

Scan this QR code to visit this page online: