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December 7, 2016 / 7 Kislev, 5777

Posts Tagged ‘peres’

Walter Bingham File – The Royal Funeral [audio]

Tuesday, October 4th, 2016

Kings Queens, Princes Presidents and Prime Ministers came to Jerusalem to accompany Shimon Peres To His Final Resting Place.

Also: In this programme hear the unexpected extended applause for Prime Minister Netanyahu at the United Nations General Assembly.

Hear: A short report from the debate between the Republican and Democrat representatives in Israel.

And: ! What bread suits your sins for Tashlich !

Plus: ‘Go Daven’ A most useful website.

Also: Some Rosh Hashanah stories and more.

Walter Bingham File 02Oct2016 – PODCAST Photo credit: Little Savage -Wiki Commons

Israel News Talk Radio

Foreign Leaders Eulogize Peres – for the Wrong Reason

Sunday, October 2nd, 2016

{Originally posted to the author’s website, Abu Yehida}

As I write, the funeral for Shimon Peres is in progress at Mt. Herzl in Jerusalem.

Numerous “world leaders” like Barack Obama, Prince Charles, Justin Trudeau, Francois Hollande, Bill Clinton, Ban Ki-Moon, Tony Blair, the EU’s Donald Tusk, and many other important and not-so-important personages are there. Even Mahmoud Abbas, whose Fatah movement demonized Peres as recently as yesterday, is present. Obama will be the last foreign speaker.

The main roads between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv will be closed before and after the event. Many streets in Jerusalem are closed, and traffic on alternate routes is expected to be nightmarish. Hamas has declared today a “day of rage” in honor of “criminal” Peres. I can imagine that every policeman and security person in the country is on duty. Arab and Jewish “extremists” have been preventively detained. The funeral itself will be closed to the Israeli public for security reasons.

I am sure that this is what Peres wanted – enjoying adulation was a weakness of his – but personally, I find it distasteful, even offensive.

The funeral should have been held on the day that he died, as is customary in Judaism. Then it would have been impossible for most of these political celebrities to be here, and that would have been as it should be. The people of Israel who actually care for Peres would have come, the Israelis who know about his tireless work in the 1950s and 60s when he managed the relationship with France that got Israel military hardware that no one else would sell us, when he created the Israeli arms industry and spearheaded the development of Israel’s nuclear deterrent. There are even some that remember and appreciate Peres’ support for the settlement project in the 1970s.

The foreign guests don’t know much about Peres’ contributions to our security, and I suspect he wouldn’t be quite so popular with them if they did. What they admire about him was his leading role in the Oslo Accords, which several commentators have called “the greatest strategic mistake in Israel’s history,” and his continued support of the “peace process,” despite its profound and bloody failure. They are sorry to see him go because he could be used to support their objective of piecemeal dismemberment of the land of Israel.

Future historians will decide whether Peres’ early successes cancel his later disastrous failure. But there is no doubt of his sincerity. He did his almost superhuman best, sacrificing his personal life for his work. He dedicated himself to the state of Israel and the Jewish people. And there is no doubt that many of our guests would like to see that state disappear and that people finally leave the stage of history, which is why they laud Peres’ worst hour as his finest.

I wish they weren’t here, not the ones responsible for the millions that European nations give to subversive Israeli NGOs, or the one who freed Iran to develop nuclear weapons and gave them billions for terrorism. We don’t need to listen to another lecturing, self-serving Obama speech, or to Bill Clinton comparing Shimon Peres to John Lennon. We certainly don’t need more traffic and security headaches.

But all things pass. Later today, the politicians that are praising Peres for the wrong reasons will go home. Hotel guests that were kicked out of their rooms to accommodate their entourages will be able to return, and the traffic jams will finally thin out. Soon it will be Shabbat, and then the Jewish people will mourn their loss among themselves.

Vic Rosenthal

Shimon Peres, a Leader for All Seasons

Sunday, October 2nd, 2016

Shimon Peres understood the Biblical verse “to everything there is a season.”

When he was a young man working for David Ben-Gurion, he saw that Israel’s very existence was endangered by the surrounding armies of Egypt, Syria, Jordan and other Arabs countries committed to the physical annihilation of the nation-state of the Jewish people. He did more than any other Israeli to prevent that from happening: he developed Israel’s nuclear arsenal, its navy and its military-industrial capacity. In his first book, “David’s Sling,” he described how he went about obtaining the assistance of other countries in allowing Israel to defend itself, using only its own soldiers. Peres would never compromise Israel’s security, even when that meant confronting American leaders who sought such compromise.

But Shimon Peres was also uncompromising in his quest for peace. When Israel became strong enough to defend itself, Peres saw a change in the seasons. He was the first to recognize the reality that a demilitarized Palestinian state would not only be just for the Palestinians, but would be good for the Israelis. He favored peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan, and, at the time of his death, he was reaching out to Sunni Muslim states to create a coalition against the common enemy Iran.

Shimon Peres was both a man of principle and of pragmatism. He understood that morality, without the strength to defend it, might cause a repetition of the disaster the Jewish people faced during the 1930s and 1940s, when they lacked the strength to defeat the most immoral force in the history of the world.

Alan M. Dershowitz

Arab Team Sued Over Fans’ Booing Shimon Peres’ Minute of Silence [video]

Sunday, October 2nd, 2016

Nir Reshef, an attorney for the Israeli soccer association, has decided not to overlook the behavior of some of the fans of Arab soccer team Maccabi Ahi Nazareth F.C. who booed during the minute of silence in memory of Israel’s 9th president, Shimon Peres, and sue their team, Israeli’s sports Channel 5 reported.

The game was a derby between the Arab team and its neighbor from the nearby Jewish Nazareth Illit.

The charge will likely be fan misconduct, an item that was added to the association’s rule book in 2007, when fans of Beitar Jerusalem booed during a minute of silence in memory of the late Yitzhak Rabin.

The Jerusalem team was punished at the time with two games that were played in an empty stadium, without fans, by a court of three judges, one of whom ruled against punishing the team arguing the fans had exercised their right to free speech. The team appealed to the Supreme Court which sided with the lower panel’s minority vote and revoked the punishment. As a result, the national soccer association amended its rules to include a prohibition on fan misconduct.

This time, when Maccabi Ahi Nazareth F.C. appeals to the high court, arguing for its fans’ right to free speech, as well as the fact that it cannot be assigned vicarious liability for fan behavior, the league can point to the rule book as a binding document.

Soccer association officials have told Channel 5 that “Ahi Nazareth must be punished severely,” pointing out that this most recent behavior took place during the week of the late president’s death, while the Jerusalem incident took place 12 years after Rabin’s murder.

David Israel

Shimon Peres (1923-1985;1986-2016): Which Do We Mourn?

Sunday, October 2nd, 2016

“Ambition drove many men to become false; to have one thought locked in the breast, another ready on the tongue.” — Gaius Sallustius Crispus, Roman historian and politician, (86 BCE – c. 35 BCE)

“It is our experience that political leaders do not always mean the opposite of what they say.” — Abba Eban, Israeli diplomat and politician (1919-2002)

On Wednesday, September 28, Shimon Peres, the 9th and arguably the most high-profile president of Israel, passed away. For all the glare of the public spotlight and scrutiny to which he has been exposed, he remains in many ways, an enigmatic figure, comprised of seemingly impossible contradictions for historians to attempt to decipher.

Sweeping international acclaim: Well-merited or unwarranted?

Peres will be laid to rest on Friday with all the pomp and ceremony that befits the funeral of a former head of state and public figure of international stature.

The expected attendees include world leaders and renowned celebrities from dozens of countries around the globe. US President Barack Obama, and former President Bill Clinton, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, French President Francois Hollande, former British PM Tony Blair, and Prince Charles are but a few names on the star-studded list of reported dignitaries, who plan to attend the ceremony. Tributes flowed in from far and wide, from Hollywood stars to the British royal family, mourning the passing of the man seen as Israel’s elder statesman.

Of course, all this international attention was not unexpected.  After all, during his lifetime, Peres had virtually every major international honor bestowed on him – from the Légion d’Honneur through the Congressional Gold Medal and Presidential Medal of Freedom, to the Nobel Peace Prize.

Yet, to some, all this acclaim and acknowledgment may seem somewhat incongruous in light of the almost unbroken succession of failures and fiascoes that have dogged much of his career since the late 1970s — both in terms of his personal electoral defeats and of his policy debacles — particularly the disastrous implosion of his flagship endeavor to resolve the conflict with the Palestinian-Arabs, and the evaporation of his vision of a peaceful and prosperous “New Middle East.”

The enigmatic conundrum

As mentioned earlier, despite the fact that Peres was exposed to public scrutiny for almost seven decades, there in still much about him that remains a puzzling conundrum, comprising a tangled web of seemingly irreconcilable paradoxes. For many, his passing may well appear to be an appropriate juncture to begin addressing the intriguing challenge of unraveling the enigmatic kaleidoscope of events he traversed on his route to the pinnacle of international esteem.

To be sure, Peres’s extraordinary ability, passion and energy are beyond dispute. But so, it would seem, was his unbridled ambition, making the caveats in the introductory excerpts highly relevant in evaluating the breathtaking volte face in his professed political credo.

There can also be little dispute that, as president, he managed to restore an aura of dignity to the office, so severely tarnished by the unfortunate scandals that plagued the incumbency of his predecessor.

Even his fiercest critics cannot deny Peres’s huge contribution to the nation’s security, particularly in the first decade-and-a-half after independence.

As a young protégé of David Ben-Gurion’s, Peres is credited with playing a leading role in setting up much of the foundations for the nascent nation’s military infrastructure that has been so crucial in ensuring its survival and its technological edge – including Israel Aircraft Industries (today Israel Aerospace Industries), acquisition of advanced combat aircraft from France and the establishment of the nuclear facility in Dimona.

As defense minister at the time of the Entebbe raid in 1976, he is identified by many as providing the political will to push through the decision to carry out the now legendary operation.

The fruits of failure?

However, perversely, it has not been Peres’s successes – but his failures – that have catapulted him to international stardom. It was not his impressive accomplishments in the service of his nation that brought him global celebrity status, but the disastrous fiascoes in the pursuit of his wildly unrealistic illusions.

Thus, it was the disastrous Oslo Accords — which have long since imploded into bloody ruin — that brought him the 1994 Nobel Peace prize.

Likewise, it was his lofty vision of a “New Middle East” – with peace and prosperity stretching from the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf – that caught the imagination of so many, but now, with the descent of today’s Middle East into carnage and chaos, appears nothing but a ludicrous delusion.

Accordingly, it was not his considerable contributions to Israeli security that made him such a sought-after figure on the global stage, but rather his adoption of the role of supranational statesman on a noble quest for regional peace, a quest that precipitated nothing but death and devastation.

Moreover, since the late 1970s, by most accepted standards, Peres would have been considered a failed politician. Yet repeated electoral defeats, even at times when victory seemed almost certain, appear to have left his stature undiminished.

Snatching defeat from jaws of almost certain victory

Indeed, Peres never won a national election and lost numerous internal elections for party leadership.

Between 1977-96, he led the Labor party unsuccessfully in five general elections, losing four of them and tying in one of them (1984)’ resulting in a 2 year rotation arrangement, with Likud’s Yitzhak Shamir.

The razor-edge loss of the 1996 election to Benjamin Netanyahu, which he was widely expected to win, was particularly humiliating, given the waves of public sympathy his party enjoyed following the assassination of his predecessor, Yitzhak Rabin.

No less humiliating was the failure of his first bid to win the presidency in 2000, in which he was surprisingly defeated by the unimpressive and un-presidential Moshe Katsav.

Peres was also regularly defeated in elections for the leadership of the Labor party, by Yitzhak Rabin, Ehud Barak, and even lack-luster Amir Peretz. It was shortly after his defeat by Peretz, that Peres abandoned the Labor party and joined Ariel Sharon’s newly formed Kadima faction. In 2007, Kadima, which today no longer exists, appointed Peres as its candidate for president — after considerable hesitation due to doubts as to whether he could win. This time, however, Peres won the vote, thus becoming president…on behalf of a party soon to disappear.

It was from this inauspicious start the Peres managed to choreograph his presidency into an international “hit” on a global scale.

Metamorphosis from hawk to dove

Peres was always obsessed with “tomorrow.” In many ways he appropriated it as his professional trademark, in an endeavor to brand himself as a future-oriented statesman. And while there was much to substantiate that image in his earlier hawkish era, his predictive acumen seems to have deserted him in his later dovish years.

Peres’s transformation from hawk to dove seems to have taken place around the mid-80s, when one Peres morphed into an almost diametric opposite Peres  (hence the dichotomy in the title).  Indeed, as Anshel Pfeffer wrote this week (Guardian, September 28): “If Peres had resigned from frontline politics at the age of 54, as many of his colleagues were demanding, after having lost the 1977 general election…he would be remembered as one of Israel’s most legendary security ‘hawks.’”

It was around then that Peres, as foreign minister, began to embrace the land-for-peace doctrine and, largely behind Prime Minister Shamir’s back, attempted to secure a deal with Jordan’s King Hussein over the fate of Judea-Samaria. Given the precarious plight of the Hashemite regime today, and the growing ascendancy of radical Islamist elements in the monarchy, it is difficult to be charitable as to the foresight such a proposal entailed.

Calculated cynicism or well-informed confidence

Referring to this puzzling transformation, Pfeffer observes: “Peres never explained the transformation he underwent in the wilderness of opposition.”

He offers two possible explanations, one of calculated cynicism, the other of well-informed confidence:

His many detractors said that Peres simply had no choice. With Begin and Egyptian president Anwar Sadat … signing the Camp David peace agreement, he had no choice but to move leftwards and try to present himself as a better peacemaker than his Likud rivals [while] [h]is supporters explained [referring to Israel’s alleged nuclear capabilities] that Peres knew more than anyone else just how strong and secure Israel had become, and could therefore make concessions and take risks for peace in its dangerous neighbourhood.

While some may balk at the former, the latter is entirely unpersuasive.

For as we shall see, and as hawkish Peres himself warned, the most immediate threats to Israel’s security today are those of enhanced and ongoing attrition rather than cataclysmic invasion by Arab armies. Accordingly, because of the diffuse nature and close proximity of the sources of these threats to Israeli population centers, the country’s alleged nuclear capabilities are largely irrelevant in dealing with them.

Yesterday’s view of ‘tomorrow’ 

As mentioned previously, Peres was always enamored with the “tomorrow” theme. One of his first forays in to “tomorrow-territory” was a programmatic book entitled Tomorrow is Now, which he authored as chairman of the Labor Party, just after it had lost power to Menachem Begin’s Likud. Published in 1978, it laid out Peres’s prescriptive vision for the future conduct of the affairs of the nation.

In many ways, the book – available only in Hebrew – is an astonishing document.

For those who are only familiar with the post-Oslowian dovish version of Peres, it offers some staggering surprises.

For the citizens of Israel – indeed, for anyone concerned with the fate of the Jewish state – it raises deeply disturbing questions regarding the judgment, credibility and integrity of those who have served in positions of senior leadership, and serious doubts as to the credence that can be placed in their pronouncements to the nation.

For, in virtually every aspect, the book negates precepts underlying the rationale of the Oslo Accords — including the validity of the land-for-peace doctrine, the desirability of a Palestinian state and the value of any agreements with the Arab world – particularly concerning demilitarization. Likewise, it strongly endorses Jewish settlements across the pre-1967 Green Line, including Judea-Samaria, the Jordan Valley and the Golan. Indeed, it would not be far from the truth to say that Peres was in fact the founding father  (or at least, godfather) of today’s much maligned settlement project.

Peres’s past prescriptions; precise predictions

I have written extensively elsewhere of the incisive insights of Peres’s past prescriptions and the precision of his past predictions of the perils that would befall Israel were it to adopt the kind of policies that he later advocated. (see here and here). I pointed out how hawkish Peres forewarned of the very realities the dovish Peres endorsed, and how these were precisely the realities that precipitated the IDF’s Operation Defensive Shield in Judea-Samaria (2002) – and later operations in Gaza: Cast Lead (2008/9); Pillar of Defense (2012); Protective Edge (2014).

He warned of the dangers of relinquishing the highlands of Judea-Samaria to Arab control and how that would allow “the most extreme terrorist forces…equipped with anti-tank and anti-aircraft shoulder-launched rockets, [to] endanger not only random passers-by, but also every airplane and helicopter taking off in the skies of Israel and every vehicle traveling along the major traffic routes in the coastal plain.”

He argued that the greater range, mobility and firepower of modern weaponry only enhance the strategic importance of territorial depth and that relinquishing Judea-Samaria would “create compulsive temptation to attack Israel…” (p.255).

He cautioned against placing trust in agreements with the Arabs, since: “The number of agreements which the Arabs have violated is no less than the number which they have kept” (p.255).

Which Peres do we mourn?

But perhaps most significant was his endorsement of the settlement project and his call

to create a continuous stretch of new settlements; to bolster Jerusalem and the surrounding hills…by the establishment of townships, suburbs and villages –  Ma’ale Edumin, Ofra, Gilo, Bet-El, Givon…to ensure that the capital and its flanks are secured…the settlements along the Jordan River are intended to establish the Jordan River as [Israel’s] de facto security border; however, it is the settlements on the western slopes of the hills of Samaria and Judea which will deliver us from the curse of Israel’s “narrow waist”; the purpose of the settlements in the Golan is to ensure that this territorial platform will no longer constitute a danger, but a barrier against a surprise attack… (p.48)

So which Peres do we mourn? The dour hawkish Peres, who got it right? Or the internationally-acclaimed dovish Peres, who got it disastrously wrong?

Late President Shimon Peres

Late President Shimon Peres

Dr. Martin Sherman

Peres

Saturday, October 1st, 2016

The expected extravaganza has begun and it is difficult to say when it will lose steam.

If the media and the Left have it’s way, it will never end.

If the Rabin precedent teaches us something, we shall be convinced that we are now left orphaned, and the last hope for peace with our neighbors is now surely gone.

As with the Rabin extravaganza, the full weight of the state is being harnessed to sweep its citizens up in the whirlwind of adoration/mourning for a beloved father figure.

Do not even think of saying a critical word about Peres for the foreseeable future. Israel’s democracy and freedom of expression goes only so far…

I recall, some days after the Rabin assassination, I was in a shop. I heard two young men saying something negative about Rabin. I took out my little pad (no smart phones in those days with which to threaten with an instant photo) and with a very serious look, began to write and without looking up I asked them to please repeat what they said and for their names-They were very frightened. That was exactly the atmosphere then and the same looms over Israel’s citizens today.

Last night I listened to one of the hundreds of non-stop interviews with people adding their contribution to the deification of Peres.

An example:
One was with a former Intelligence chief who worked closely with and loved Peres. When asked about Peres’ stand on the 1981 strike on the Iraqi nuclear facility, he said that at first he was not supportive and then he was.
Wrong! To his last days he did not regret his fierce opposition to the strike that saved Israel and the world from a nuclear Saddam Hussein.

Peres never apologized for anything. Never.

The former intelligence chief just lied. the narrative must be preserved.

Expect this rewriting of history to continue, as it has in the case of Rabin and other darlings of the Left.

Peres has indeed done important things for Israel over the years, but, I like the description I heard just yesterday:
He was like one who fills a bucket with milk, only to kick it over afterwards.

The creation of the armed terrorist Palestine Authority was his baby.

When Rabin and Peres and Arafat were photographed accepting the Nobel prize for the Oslo crime, Rabin did not look very happy–Peres was beaming.

He never expressed any doubt. The thousands of Jews murdered since, were always, in his words, “The price of peace.”

In his later years, he shared his belief that history is not important. He lectured to many student groups convincing them that the(our) past is not important. The future is ours to create without the burden of the past…

Israel should strive to be the Singapore of the “New” Mid East. He even wrote a book about it . Everything in it was proven wrong but that won’t change his legacy ; at least not for the foreseeable future.

The world’s leaders are coming to pay their respects for the man who they admire – for weakening Israel’s claim to and passion for our land and for remaking Israel; as much like the nations as possible.

The world never does likes an Israel that is “too independent and Jewish”. We need friends, no?

It is interesting to note that the Palestinian Authority, Peres’ creation will not be sending its leader to the funeral. (Editor’s note: Abbas did come, against the wishes of most of the Palestinian Authority.)

This is perhaps the real lesson we can learn from his “New Middle East”

Shalom Pollack

FULL TEXT: US President Barack Obama’s Eulogy for Israel’s 9th President, Shimon Peres, z’l [video]

Saturday, October 1st, 2016

U.S. President Barack Obama delivered his eulogy on Friday, Sept. 30, 2016 with members of the Peres family, Israeli government leaders and several other world heads of state who bid their fellow statesman a final farewell from the podium. Below is the full text and a video of his eulogy.

Zvia, Yoni, Chemi and generations of the Peres family; President Rivlin; Prime Minister Netanyahu; members of the Israeli government and the Knesset; heads of state and the government and guests from around the world, including President Abbas, whose presence here is a gesture and a reminder of the unfinished business of peace; to the people of Israel: I could not be more honored to be in Jerusalem to say farewell to my friend Shimon Peres, who showed us that justice and hope are at the heart of the Zionist idea.

A free life, in a homeland regained. A secure life, in a nation that can defend itself, by itself. A full life, in friendship with nations who can be counted on as allies, always. A bountiful life, driven by simple pleasures of family and by big dreams. This was Shimon Peres’s life. This is the State of Israel. This is the story of the Jewish people over the last century, and it was made possible by a founding generation that counts Shimon as one of its own.

Shimon once said, “The message of the Jewish people to mankind is that faith and moral vision can triumph over all adversity.” For Shimon, that moral vision was rooted in an honest reckoning of the world as it is. Born in the shtetl, he said he felt, “surrounded by a sea of thick and threatening forests.”

When his family got the chance to go to Palestine, his beloved grandfather’s parting words were simple: “Shimon, stay a Jew.” Propelled with that faith, he found his home. He found his purpose. He found his life’s work.

But he was still a teenager when his grandfather was burned alive by the Nazis in the town where Shimon was born. The synagogue in which he prayed became an inferno. The railroad tracks that had carried him toward the Promised Land also delivered so many of his people to death camps.

And so from an early age, Shimon bore witness to the cruelty that human beings could inflict on each other, the ways that one group of people could dehumanize another; the particular madness of anti-Semitism, which has run like a stain through history. That understanding of man’s ever-present sinfulness would steel him against hardship and make him vigilant against threats to Jewry around the world.

But that understanding would never harden his heart. It would never extinguish his faith. Instead, it broadened his moral imagination, and gave him the capacity to see all people as deserving of dignity and respect. It helped him see not just the world as it is, but the world as it should be.

What Shimon did to shape the story of Israel is well-chronicled. Starting on the kibbutz he founded with his love Sonya, he began the work of building a model community. Ben Gurion called him to serve the Haganah at headquarters to make sure that the Jewish people had the armaments and the organization to secure their freedom.

After independence, surrounded by enemies who denied Israel’s existence and sought to drive it into the sea, the child who had wanted to be a “poet of stars” became a man who built Israel’s defense industry, who laid the foundation for the formidable armed forces that won Israel’s wars.

His skill secured Israel’s strategic position. His boldness sent Israeli commandos to Entebbe, and rescued Jews from Ethiopia. His statesmanship built an unbreakable bond with the United States of America and so many other countries.

His contributions didn’t end there. Shimon also showed what people can do when they harness reason and science to a common cause. He understood that a country without many natural resources could more than make up for it with the talents of its people.

He made hard choices to roll back inflation and climb up from a terrible economic crisis. He championed the promise of science and technology to make the desert bloom, and turned this tiny country into a central hub of the digital age, making life better not just for people here, but for people around the world.

Indeed, Shimon’s contribution to this nation is so fundamental, so pervasive, that perhaps sometimes they can be overlooked.

For a younger generation, Shimon was probably remembered more for a peace process that never reached its endpoint. They would listen to critics on the left who might argue that Shimon did not fully acknowledge the failings of his nation, or perhaps more numerous critics on the right who argued that he refused to see the true wickedness of the world, and called him naïve.

But whatever he shared with his family or his closest friends, to the world he brushed off the critics. And I know from my conversations with him that his pursuit of peace was never naïve.

Every Yom HaShoah, he read the names of the family that he lost. As a young man, he had fed his village by working in the fields during the day, but then defending it by carrying a rifle at night.

He understood, in this war-torn region, where too often Arab youth are taught to hate Israel from an early age — he understood just how hard peace would be. I’m sure he was alternatively angry and bemused to hear the same critics, who called him hopelessly naïve, depend on the defense architecture that he himself had helped to build.

I don’t believe he was naïve. But he understood from hard-earned experience that true security comes through making peace with your neighbors. “We won them all,” he said of Israel’s wars. “But we did not win the greatest victory that we aspired to: release from the need to win victories.”

Jewish Press Staff

Printed from: http://www.jewishpress.com/news/breaking-news/full-text-us-president-barack-obamas-eulogy-for-israels-9th-president-shimon-peres-zl-video/2016/10/01/

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