Ettinger has served as minister for congressional affairs at Israel’s Embassy in Washington and as consul general of Israel to the Southwestern U.S. He’s had numerous op-eds published in Israel and America and is frequently interviewed on Israeli and American TV and radio.

Ettinger: I think the Republican wins will further boost pro-Israel sentiments on Capitol Hill. There will be an increased number of legislators who are more traditional, more pro-military, more anti-UN and more patriotic than their predecessors. While American Jews are very important for Israel, it has always been Christian support that has made the big difference in this country. You can see it on Capitol Hill where the vast majority, maybe even all, pro-Israel initiatives have been introduced by non-Jewish legislators with the Jews joining. This deep affinity toward Israel goes back to the founding fathers of this country, most of whom followed Judeo-Christian values, at the center of which is the Jewish Bible. For most Christians in this country, Israel stands for deep ideas and values which are at the foundation of this country.

The vast majority of Christians in America, not necessarily only evangelicals or conservatives, do not regard Israel as a classic foreign policy issue but rather as a domestic issue, morally as well as strategically. As far as the attitude toward foreign aid, I believe we have outgrown foreign aid. I am proud to say I played maybe even a key role of ridding Israel of non-military foreign aid, which used to be $1.2 billion. There is no more non-military foreign aid today. The Jewish state should not be on the list of recipients of foreign aid, which looks to most Americans like social security overseas. Israel is the number two hi-tech empire in the world after America and prides itself on $220 billion in growth of domestic product. We don’t need aid, we need more trade. We are partners with the U.S. and our relationship should be a two-way street.

It was Congress that put an end to U.S. involvement in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Angola and Nicaragua and cut ties with the white regime in South Africa. If Congress can end wars and relationships with other countries, certainly it can stop an attempt to refrain from a veto in the security council, either by directing the president to veto a UN resolution or through the power of the purse. I would like to emphasize this not because such a vote would bode well for Israel – such a vote would bode well for America. A Palestinian state would doom the existence of the pro-American Hashemite regime in Jordan, constitute a tailwind to the pro-Saddam elements in Iraq, provide a foothold for the Russians, Chinese, North Koreans and Iranians, and add another anti-American vote at the UN. Certainly when you look at the subversive, non-compliant terrorist track record of Abbas and the PLO, you know what to expect of an independent state which will be ruled by them. Therefore a vote that would veto any such resolution at the UN would not be for Israel; it would be for the sake of America. And Congress can bring it about.

Well, it comes down to Israel approaching Congress and leveraging its support because certainly we cannot count on the current White House. This is a White House that, from the beginning, has sent messages that it doesn’t want to confront the bad guys; they want to engage bad guys. They don’t want to follow unilateral action; they want to follow multilateral action. This administration views the UN as the quarterback of international relations, wants to be more European, succumbs to the whims of the State Department, and claims Islam has always been a part of the American story. All of this is not good for U.S.-Israel relations or for American interests.

American legislators do not represent Israel. They represent the best interests of this country. When I came to Congress and debated the disengagement [in 2005], I did not talk about the Israeli perspective. Likewise when I talk about the Golan Heights. America should not endorse Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights because it would not bode well for the Americans. It would enable the Syrians to attempt to reannex what they call Southern Syria, otherwise known as Jordan, and that adversely affects American interests. If there are some misguided Israeli politicians who assume that a freeze or a disengagement or a Palestinian state could somehow moderate the area, this does not mean American legislators should follow the Israeli example. They should examine the impact on American interests.

I spend all my time doing that with Israeli movers and shakers. I come five or six times a year to America to share my views with American legislators and Jews and non-Jews, but the crux of my efforts are in Israel. The effort now should be how to prevent a Palestinian state. You cannot have a viable Jewish state without the full control of the mountain ridges of Judea and Samaria, not only for security requirements but most importantly for the moral high ground. For the Jewish state to negotiate away its own cradle of history is to forsake its future. No nation can negotiate away its cradle of history, its roots, and expect to blossom in the future.

What would you tell American Jewish leaders who, though largely toeing the Israeli government’s line, have recently suggested that dividing Jerusalem is perhaps a red line on which Diaspora Jews should have a say?

Can you comment on the renewed effort by Netanyahu to push for a military option against Iran?