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April 16, 2014 / 16 Nisan, 5774
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Posts Tagged ‘Manhigut Yehudit’

The Pita That Revived Terror

Tuesday, September 25th, 2012

“And all the nations will see that the Name of God is called upon you, and they will fear you” (Deuteronomy 28:10).

During the First Lebanon War, the IDF forced the PLO terrorists all the way to the Beirut port and then to Tunisia. The PLO, which had lost its stronghold in Lebanon, was shattered. Salach Taamri, the most senior and admired terrorist captured by the IDF, was imprisoned in the Ansar detention camp. He was a broken man.

Later, Taamri was interviewed by journalist Aharon Barnea for the book he would write about him, To be Captive. In Barnea’s book, Taamri describes the situation of the terror organization prior to Pesach, 28 years ago. “I concluded,” said Taamri, “that we had no chance to overpower Israel’s financial and military prowess, and that we should make do with the crumbs that they would throw us and fold up all our flags.”

Taamri, an intellectual and patriot, willingly cooperated with his captors. The other prisoners understood from their admired commander that the end had come and that the war was lost. And then, Taamri continued, a surprising event took place that turned everything upside down.

“My hands were holding the cold bars and I was looking from inside my dark jail cell toward the hall where an Israeli guard was walking. I saw him from far. He was walking slowly, holding something in his hand that he would constantly bring close to his mouth. He would bring it close and then distance it. When he was close to my cell, I called to him. I saw that he was eating a pita. He would bite, chew, bite and chew.

“You are a Jew,” I said to him. “Why are you eating chametz on Pesach? Don’t you know that it is forbidden for a Jew to eat chametz on this holiday?”

“I am not committed to the things that happened to my people during the exodus from Egypt 2,000 years ago. I have no connection to it,” said the Jewish prison guard.

Taamri continued: “I sat on the mattress in my cell and said to myself, ‘A nation of people who do not have a connection with their past; who are willing to publicly desecrate the laws of their faith, is a nation that has cut off the roots from its land. We will be able to achieve our goals.’ On that night, my approach completely changed. I couldn’t fall asleep. In all those hours of darkness, I replayed that scene with the Jewish prison guard.

“The next morning I gathered the Palestinian leadership in the prison, all those who knew my opinion over the years. I told them about my experience and the conclusions that I reached. I clarified to everyone that from that morning, we were embarking on a new course: a war for everything. Not for a small percentage and not for crumbs that they would throw us. For opposing us was a nation that lacked the connection to its roots, a nation not interested in its past. Thus, its motivation was necessarily void of any will to struggle and fight.”

Since then, Taamri says that he has told his story to tens of thousands of people and has convinced all of them that the approach must be changed to this: the Palestinians must struggle without compromise.

Taamri was elected to the Palestinian parliament and indeed convinced his friends, breathing new spirit into the war against Israel. The damage done by that pita eaten by the Israeli soldier on Pesach cannot be exaggerated.

The question mark hovering over the right of the Jewish state to exist – and as a result, over its right to defend itself in the face of existential threat – is directly connected to our identity as God’s nation.

When the nations of the world see that God’s Name is called upon us, when we know who we are, understand what we represent and are at peace with our destiny, the power of deterrence that the terrorist Taamri initially felt will be established. But when we are not interested in God’s Name being called upon us, the nations can openly plan to destroy us – with nuclear weapons or in any other way. And they will do so without fear.

Can We Stop The Peace Train?

Thursday, June 14th, 2012

It is difficult for some to accept the connections being made between Manhigut Yehudit and those who, when push came to shove, voted in favor of the Expulsion from Gush Katif. Both MK Miri Regev, who works tirelessly on behalf of every nationalist issue – be it the Ulpana Hill or the African infiltrators – and Minister Silvan Shalom, who has been a very positive force for the settlements and other national interests, were not in the right place at the critical hour. Many find our renewed friendship hard to swallow.

Since the governments of Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres put the “peace train” on the Oslo tracks, the sand in the settlement hourglass has been running out. The recognition of the “Palestinian nation and its rights” means the loss of recognition of the Jewish state and its rights. It’s as simple as that.

The Israeli Right did not have the tools to counter the alternative promoted by the Left because it never really had an alternative. All that the Right had was healthier national feelings. But feelings don’t stop trains – and they certainly cannot place them on a different track to a different destination. Inside the train, the Likud MKs will do all they can to help, but they are incapable of changing its direction.

When it gets to the point that continued support of the settlements will be deemed political suicide, the Likud MKs will need an alternative support that will provide them with a different ideology and leadership. That is the only way that they will be able to continue to fight. As long as that support does not exist, nobody can expect them to do more than they are doing now.

Have we at Manhigut Yehudit created that alternative support? There is no doubt that we have been creating an alternative for the past 15 years. We are now in the critical stage of establishing grass-roots connections. Without those direct connections between the various Likud activists, our alternative will remain ungrounded. But there is no connection between the factions without connections and the faction leaders. And the faction leaders, sadly, have failed in the past.

Those who want to make life easy will once again repeat the erroneous Effie Eitam paradigm. Once again they will register for their own small party that will split up yet again and run in the next election under a different name. As the old saying goes: fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me! Religious Zionist politics is once again leading its voters down the same, fallacious path. The same mistakes have been made over and over again, in innovative variations, beginning from the days of the Techiya Party. Whoever is duped again has only himself to blame.

Now back to the settlements. The Oslo train cannot be turned around without true leadership and an alternative track. There will be no new settlements in Judea and Samaria, no return to the glorious pioneering days, no new Ma’ale Adumim or Ariel, and no new neighborhoods inside those towns until the change is made. But the destruction can be stopped. The strategic change that is necessary entails establishing new, faith-based leadership that is not dependent on the established powers that be.

The Left is working wisely. It is progressing incrementally, fully synchronized with its people in the state’s attorney’s office and the High Court. They know that too great an achievement all at once could torpedo all their gains. But after the destruction of these small settlements, we will once again be hearing from Peace Now in Ofra, Shilo and the rest of the towns in the Binyamin region.

We must continue the struggle. If the decision makers believe that the threat of a real struggle is not hanging over their heads, their fear of the Left will naturally be greater than their fear of the settlers.

Beware: Feiglinism Poised To Bring Peace

Wednesday, May 2nd, 2012

This is how it works: A minister or MK who steps out of line – opposing the destruction of the Ulpana neighborhood, for example – is immediately accused of “Feiglinism.” It makes no difference if the accuser is Tzipi Livni or Ehud Barak. “This is simply terrible,” Kadima MK Nachman Shai explained on the afternoon news. “Feiglin determines the fate of the Likud MKs.”

Feiglin has become a code word for illegitimacy. When someone is accused of Feiglinism, the accuser no longer has to logically argue his point. “Beware,” said Defense Minister Barak to Strategic Affairs Minister Moshe Ya’alon, “if you continue to promote this view, you will be field-marshaled by the Politically Correct Patrol.”

Is the balloon that the media inflate around Manhigut Yehudit real? Do we really determine political fate? What is the real influence of Manhigut Yehudit and of other ideological factions in the Likud?

There is no doubt that all of these factions exert influence. But that influence is far less than what the media attribute to them. True, there will be borderline candidates whose fates will be determined by our votes. But essentially, we are no different than any other voter or voting group in the Likud.

Countless groups, large and small, organize and coordinate their votes. This is the situation in almost every Likud branch. Approximately half of the Likud voters are part of an organized group. According to the numbers, Manhigut Yehudit is certainly an important influence within the Likud, but not as great as portrayed by the media. A diligent and capable MK will be able to get himself elected with or without Manhigut Yehudit.

But, unlike essence, numbers are not the whole picture. Livni, Barak and all the other Feiglinism alarmists are painfully aware that there is a real alternative growing in the Likud. The Likud is in power today because it is an authentic popular party with higher quality leaders. No other party has a leader who even nears the talent and experience of Benjamin Netanyahu.

On issues of essence, though, there is no real difference between the various major parties, not in foreign affairs and practically not in economics. With a bit of political savvy (social unrest plus a few media spins) the political opposition may actually manage to unseat the Likud and make Shaul Mofaz the new prime minister.

The person who is an essential threat to the Shimon Peres agenda that has been forced upon Israeli society since Oslo is none other than me. It is much more difficult to spin essence away. That is why they keep yelling about the contagious Feiglinism.

“What is your peace plan?” I was asked this week at a Likud meeting in rocket-weary Ashkelon.

“It is very simple,” I answered. “The Arabs will hear that Feiglin is prime minister, and there will be peace.”

That is not bragging; it is simply the truth. Today, we do not have peace because the Arabs have nobody with whom to make peace. The Arabs have caught on to our “just passing through” mentality, reflected by Israel’s leaders from all the parties. To make peace, you need a partner. Only the landowner can be a peace partner – and only if he is convinced and convincing that he has no intention of giving up his land. But if we are only passing through here, there is nobody with whom to make peace. If there is a problem with a guest, everybody just tries to hasten his departure.

Those who are truly committed to peace should do all they can to ensure that Feiglinism spreads far and wide.

Why I Am Running For Head Of Likud

Wednesday, January 4th, 2012

There we, Manhigut Yehudit’s strategy team, sat for our first strategy meeting ahead of the upcoming primaries. “According to Likud law, primaries for the party chairmanship will be held in about a year,” I said, “and we have to prepare now.” We spent hours discussing different ideas and assigning tasks and projects. As people began heading for the door, somebody read aloud a headline that had just come through over the Internet: “Netanyahu Calls for Primaries on Jan. 31.” “Very funny,” someone said, laughing. But it wasn’t a joke. Our entire meeting had just been rendered irrelevant. We had only seven weeks (from when the strategy meeting took place) until the primaries. My phone began to ring, with reporters asking for my reaction to Netanyahu’s bombshell. “I will run for the head of the Likud no matter when primaries will be held,” I declared.

Why run? And why run on such short notice, when Netanyahu obviously has a clear advantage?

The greatest threat hanging over Israel’s head – greater than a nuclear Iran – is the loss of our legitimacy to exist as a Jewish state. From our long and difficult history we know that the delegitimization of our right to exist ultimately leads to annihilation.

We have rightfully “earned” the existential question mark hovering over our heads, after years of evasion and the blurring of Israel’s Jewish identity. Faith-based Jewish leadership that will rally Israeli society around its Jewish identity is nothing less than an existential imperative.

“But you don’t have a chance,” people say to me. My answer to that is that no revolutionary vision has a chance at the start. But when pursued with determination, the vision always turns out to prove itself well connected to reality. This means that as long as I do not give up, I am always winning. The Wright Brothers’ first successful flight turned all the crashes that preceded it into part of the success story. The principle was right and with their perseverance, they ultimately succeeded.

In the previous primaries, I received 25 percent of the votes. In the primaries before those, I gained more votes than all the other candidates (including senior government ministers at the time). That would not have happened if I had not dared to run the first time, when I received only 3 percent of the vote.

Ultimately, the most realistic thing in the world is the fulfillment of God’s will. The Creator has not guarded the Nation of Israel for the past 3,000 years, restoring us to our land after 2,000 years of exile, just to establish another Western, democratic, liberal province on the very piece of land that the “oppressed” Palestinians claim as their own.

Israel has a national destiny and a universal message to bring to the world from Zion. That is the reality. To continue to exist and flourish, the State of Israel needs Jewish leadership. It needs leadership that understands the nation’s destiny and strives to fulfill it. The question is not whether we will win the primaries for the Likud leadership. The question is when we will win and lead our nation. We will win, because we are the only candidates in the national leadership arena that are connected to reality.

The Return Of The Feiglinites

Wednesday, December 14th, 2011

“The fight for democracy is taking place today within the Likud: between Ruby Rivlin, Michael Eitan and Dan Meridor on one side, and Yariv Levin, Zeev Elkin, Danny Danon and all those who are – conditionally, of course – on [Moshe] Feiglin’s endorsed list on the other.”

In a long and reasoned article published recently on Israel’s most popular news site, Ynet, Labor Party activist Dr. Itai Asher explains how the Likud has become the arena for the battle over the future of the State of Israel: a battle between “democracy” and the “Feiglinites.”

In principle, Dr. Asher is right. Manhigut Yehudit helped shape the Likud’s Knesset roster, aligning it more with the national camp’s ideology. But a quick look at the list of names that Dr. Asher cites shows that the “battle for democracy” (in his words) is not being fought between different endorsed groups alone. Its roots go much deeper.

Ruby Rivlin, for example, was on the Manhigut Yehudit-endorsed candidates list. If so, how is it that Rivlin opposes the new law proposals requiring a Knesset hearing for candidates for the Supreme Court and imposing stiff fines for libel? On the other hand, Elkin, who got into the Knesset as a Netanyahu candidate, is working hard to get the proposals passed. How can it be that Elkin has positioned himself in the “dark Feiglinite dictatorship” – in the words of opposition leader Tzipi Livni?

Rivlin, Eitan and Meridor are all part of the veteran generation of the Likud. Their actions are dictated by the old Likud mentality. Levin, Elkin and Danon belong to the new generation in the Likud. They represent the mentality of the future that is developing within the national ruling party.

More than Manhigut Yehudit influences the makeup of the party roster. It influences the vision of the Likud and the perspective of its members. My repeated candidacies for leadership of the Likud planted the option for different values in the nationalist ruling party. No more existence for its own sake that sees the “peace process” as its ultimate dream, preventing the Likud from following any path other than Oslo. Instead, Manhigut Yehudit has infused the Likud with a sense of destiny for which it is sometimes worthwhile to sacrifice one’s individual existence. It is a destiny that frees the national camp from its psychological dependence on the Left.

My candidacy for leadership of the Likud opened the gates for a steady stream of faith-based voters, who voted for the MKs who are working hard today to liberate the Jewish majority from the grip of the Left’s two main ruling tools: the courts and the media. It is no coincidence that the latest legislative proposals focus on these two tenets. The courts and the media are the long arms of the Left. They sustain Israel’s dubious “democracy.”

The generation of Rivlin, Eitan and Meridor did not come of age with Manhigut Yehudit in the Likud. They have made peace with the leftist hegemony. We have all gotten used to the fact that when you vote Left you get Left, and when you vote Right, you get double Left. The veteran politicians cannot internalize the thought that the Likud can develop its own sense of legitimacy, adopt a path that deviates from what the Left dictates, and simply insist on ruling. Ironically, they see the new internal liberty as straying from Jabotinsky’s principles.

Levin, Elkin and Danon, on the other hand, draw the courage to face off against the Supreme Court and the media from the new sense of destiny and from the masses of faith-based voters who have joined the Likud. True, the Likud and the new MKs have not yet connected to the faith-based vision. That will still take some time. But the new sense of destiny has already created a new reality. It exudes self-confidence, creates independence, and straightens the back of the national camp. And it is bearing fruit.

From our vantage point within this process, it is sometimes hard to appreciate what has happened. It is not always easy to identify the process that begins with the faith-based vision and candidacy for leadership of the Likud to mass faith-based membership in the Likud and then on to the recent legislative proposals.

To understand what is taking place here, we must look to the Left. They are not talking about a Lieberman or Marzelite dictatorship, but rather a “Feiglinite tyranny.” They easily discovered the precise source of the process that threatens to liberate the Jewish majority from their generations-long grip. They understand where it came from and where it is going much better than all the rightists. They have identified the source – and that is where they are taking aim.

This Is Our Land!

Thursday, November 24th, 2011

The destruction of Jewish homes in the Land of Israel continues, as if there is no way to prevent the State of Israel from self-destructing, no way to prevent it from sending the riot police to carry out the goals of Peace Now.

But to judge by the number of people who showed up at the recent prayer gathering at Giv’at Asaf, another settlement slated for demolition, it looks like the faith-based public has despaired of its ability to stop the destruction. The common excuse is that people are tired of demonstrations or that they have lost faith in their effectiveness. But that is not correct. The public is willing to rally around ideals and vision. It is simply tired of a rearguard war.

The process of collapse and destruction that we have witnessed over the years is not the trademark of any particular government. Actually, every government that has been in power in Israel in the last generation, from both Right and Left, has been dragged in one way or another into the same modus operandi. The disintegration stems from the fact that Israelis today feel morally inferior to the Arabs.

The era in which the legitimacy for our presence in this land could be drawn from an ideology that denies the existence of the Creator is finished. The elites that fashion the Israeli mindset no longer believe that this is our land. They feel like uninvited guests here; they worship the “deep bond” between the Arab and the land and are painfully careful not to “desecrate” it. Whether an Arab home is legal or illegal, its destruction is unthinkable. Even the Arab olive harvest has become a sanctified ritual, and guarding it is the supreme mission of the IDF. It makes no difference that the olive trees are in the settlement of Itamar, right under the home of the Fogel orphans. It also makes no difference that the harvesters are part of the murderers’ family, whose smiles mock the Jewish residents of the town still reeling from the horrific massacre.

All of Israel’s leaders of the past generation represent the mentality that prefers to buy temporary legitimacy in Tel Aviv by dividing the Land of Israel. That is why the terrorists are jailed in such comfortable conditions. After all, they are actually freedom fighters, recognized by the Israeli mindset as the just side in the struggle over the Land. That is why it is simply a matter of time until they are released.

So now what do we do?

Lately, a lot of people have been invoking the memory of Zo Artzeinu, the successful protest movement from the Oslo era that eventually evolved into Manhigut Yehudit.

What was Zo Artzeinu’s secret? How is it that under the direction of a small and largely unknown movement, tens of thousands of Israelis protested in the streets and were willing to be arrested?

Many factors came together to bring the people out into the streets. There was leadership, independence from the establishment, and more. But the real, underlying reason why everybody remembers Zo Artzeinu is very simple: Its name means, “This is our Land.”

Sixteen years ago, the Israeli mindset was already sick with the moral inferiority flu. The audacity to declare that “This is our land” was engraved on its intimidated consciousness – and has remained there ever since.

The Land of Israel is ours. Not because a particular settlement was built on public land and not private land. It is ours simply because God gave it to us. Whoever tries to live side-by-side with the Israeli mindset that sees this country as Arab land will always find himself or herself on the wrong side of the law. But if our actions are guided by the conviction that this is our land, we will always be right.

Praying For Moshe Feiglin’s Son

Wednesday, July 7th, 2010

Editor’s note: This week, Shmuel Sackett, international director of Manhigut Yehudit, is filling in for Mr. Feiglin.

 

Moshe Feiglin’s son, Dovid Yosef ben Faigie Perel, remains in intensive care in stable – yet serious – condition following a car accident. Here is an update for Jewish Press readers, who have followed Moshe’s column for many years:

 

On Thursday, July 1, I picked up Moshe at 5 a.m. for a trip to the Kotel to daven. Immediately afterward we immersed in the Breslov mikveh (in the Muslim quarter of the Old City), and then ascended Har HaBayit (The Temple Mount). Something very interesting happened just before we went up to Har HaBayit.

 

The day before, I e-mailed Rabbi Nachman Kahane (brother of Rabbi Meir Kahane) and asked him to meet us before we go up to the Har so that he can give Moshe a berachah. For the record Rabbi Nachman Kahane is a rare kohen me’yuchas,” meaning he can trace his family’s line directly to the first high priest of Israel, Aharon HaKohen. He is also a Talmudic scholar who has written more than 40 holy books. Finally, he is a member of Manhigut Yehudit and believes strongly in Moshe’s ability to soon become prime minister of Israel.

 

            Just before we arrived, Rabbi Kahane saw Rav Shlomo Aviner, chief rabbi of Beit El and rosh yeshiva of Ateret Cohanim. Rav Aviner is also a kohen, and Rabbi Kahane asked that he bless Moshe as well. Shortly after, Moshe and I arrived (with our dear friend, Dovid Shirel of Hebron). Rabbi Kahane explained that when one kohen blesses a Jew it has the status of a rabbinic blessing, but when two kohanim bless a Jew it has the status of a Torah blessing. Both kohanim held Moshe’s hand and blessed him simultaneously with the traditional priestly blessing.

 

After Moshe was blessed, he, Dovid Shirel and I went up to Har HaBayit and had the very rare opportunity to fulfill a unique halacha. The Mishnah in Midot (chapter 2, Mishnah 2) states that when people ascend the Har, they walk rightward. However, if a person is in mourning or has another problem (which the commentaries explain as praying for a sick relative), the person walks leftward. The reason for this is that people already on the Har will see that the people are walking in the opposite direction and will ask them what happened. When they find out, they will say (in the case of an illness), “May the Dweller [Hashem] in this House grant your son a quick and speedy recovery.” Thus to fulfill this requirement, we walked to the left upon ascending the Har.

 

About 30 minutes into our walk around Har HaBayit, some people who ascended the Har shortly after us noticed that we were walking toward the left. Inquiring about this seeming oddity, Moshe said to them, “Because my son is sick and needs a refuah sh’laimah.” They immediately replied, “May the Dweller in this House grant your son a quick and speedy recovery.” This was exactly as the Mishnah described it over 2,000 years ago! This brought chills to my spine for a long time. After all, it’s one thing to learn the law; but to experience it is infinitely more incredible.

 

Ten minutes after leaving Har HaBayit, Moshe’s wife Tzippy told him via telephone that about 20 minutes earlier Dovid Yosef started moving his leg and arm. The doctors were ecstatic about this small – but very significant – progress. Just imagine: he started improving at the exact time we were davening for him on Har HaBayit and practicing the Mishnah law.

 

We hope for more progress every day.

 

Moshe and Tzippy Feiglin have asked me to express their heartfelt hakarat hatov to the public for their outpouring of prayer and encouragement. They kindly request your continued prayers for their son.

 

Praying For Moshe Feiglin’s Son

Wednesday, July 7th, 2010

Editor’s note: This week, Shmuel Sackett, international director of Manhigut Yehudit, is filling in for Mr. Feiglin.


 


Moshe Feiglin’s son, Dovid Yosef ben Faigie Perel, remains in intensive care in stable – yet serious – condition following a car accident. Here is an update for Jewish Press readers, who have followed Moshe’s column for many years:

 

On Thursday, July 1, I picked up Moshe at 5 a.m. for a trip to the Kotel to daven. Immediately afterward we immersed in the Breslov mikveh (in the Muslim quarter of the Old City), and then ascended Har HaBayit (The Temple Mount). Something very interesting happened just before we went up to Har HaBayit.

 

The day before, I e-mailed Rabbi Nachman Kahane (brother of Rabbi Meir Kahane) and asked him to meet us before we go up to the Har so that he can give Moshe a berachah. For the record Rabbi Nachman Kahane is a rare kohen me’yuchas,” meaning he can trace his family’s line directly to the first high priest of Israel, Aharon HaKohen. He is also a Talmudic scholar who has written more than 40 holy books. Finally, he is a member of Manhigut Yehudit and believes strongly in Moshe’s ability to soon become prime minister of Israel.

 

            Just before we arrived, Rabbi Kahane saw Rav Shlomo Aviner, chief rabbi of Beit El and rosh yeshiva of Ateret Cohanim. Rav Aviner is also a kohen, and Rabbi Kahane asked that he bless Moshe as well. Shortly after, Moshe and I arrived (with our dear friend, Dovid Shirel of Hebron). Rabbi Kahane explained that when one kohen blesses a Jew it has the status of a rabbinic blessing, but when two kohanim bless a Jew it has the status of a Torah blessing. Both kohanim held Moshe’s hand and blessed him simultaneously with the traditional priestly blessing.

 

After Moshe was blessed, he, Dovid Shirel and I went up to Har HaBayit and had the very rare opportunity to fulfill a unique halacha. The Mishnah in Midot (chapter 2, Mishnah 2) states that when people ascend the Har, they walk rightward. However, if a person is in mourning or has another problem (which the commentaries explain as praying for a sick relative), the person walks leftward. The reason for this is that people already on the Har will see that the people are walking in the opposite direction and will ask them what happened. When they find out, they will say (in the case of an illness), “May the Dweller [Hashem] in this House grant your son a quick and speedy recovery.” Thus to fulfill this requirement, we walked to the left upon ascending the Har.

 

About 30 minutes into our walk around Har HaBayit, some people who ascended the Har shortly after us noticed that we were walking toward the left. Inquiring about this seeming oddity, Moshe said to them, “Because my son is sick and needs a refuah sh’laimah.” They immediately replied, “May the Dweller in this House grant your son a quick and speedy recovery.” This was exactly as the Mishnah described it over 2,000 years ago! This brought chills to my spine for a long time. After all, it’s one thing to learn the law; but to experience it is infinitely more incredible.

 

Ten minutes after leaving Har HaBayit, Moshe’s wife Tzippy told him via telephone that about 20 minutes earlier Dovid Yosef started moving his leg and arm. The doctors were ecstatic about this small – but very significant – progress. Just imagine: he started improving at the exact time we were davening for him on Har HaBayit and practicing the Mishnah law.

 

We hope for more progress every day.

 

Moshe and Tzippy Feiglin have asked me to express their heartfelt hakarat hatov to the public for their outpouring of prayer and encouragement. They kindly request your continued prayers for their son.


 

Printed from: http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/columns/praying-for-moshe-feiglins-son-2/2010/07/07/

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