Netanyahu Plays the Romney Card
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Mitt Romney and Benjamin Netanyahu
Photo Credit: Marc Israel Sellem/Flash90
Lost in the discussion of Mitt Romney’s Olympic gaffes were the larger geopolitical ramifications of the Israeli leg of the GOP candidate’s grand tour. In Jerusalem, the Republican Presidential candidate called blocking Iran’s nuclear ambitions a “moral imperative,” adding “In the final analysis, of course, no option should be excluded. We recognize Israel’s right to defend itself, and that it is right for America to stand with you.”
As heard by Americans, these lines in Romney’s Iran speech are a swipe at President Obama which also translates into pitch to Jewish GOP donors like Sheldon Adelson, the biggest whale on the trip, to write more checks. But this is a pitch that Romney has made with plenty of success at home. So why, exactly, was he in Jerusalem?
One reason — aside from the obligatory photo op at the Western Wall — may be that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wanted him there. Adelson, one of the Romney campaign’s biggest donors, is closer to Netanyahu than he is to Romney. Dan Senor, Romney’s chief foreign policy advisor, who arranged the GOP candidate’s visit, also has close ties to Netanyahu’s inner circle. Given these facts, it is perhaps more interesting to think about what Netanyahu may have gained from Romney’s visit.
The most immediate and tangible payoff the Israeli prime minister received came last Friday from the Obama administration, which was eager to show Jewish voters in America — and the Israelis — that it, too, is tough on Iran. In a televised speech, the President promised Israel an additional $70 million — in a sign of his eagerness to seem strong, Obama accidentally promised “$70 billion” — to fund Iron Dome, the anti-missile system that US policymakers have come to understand as a magical machine that, if fed regularly, forestalls aggressive Israeli military actions.
Obama also sent Netanyahu the gift of a helpless Leon Panetta, who came in handy as a theatrical prop for a prime-time Netanyahu television appearance in which the Israeli leader blasted the Obama administration for having effectively done nothing to stop Iran’s march towards a bomb. Score: Netanyahu 2, Obama 0.
But the greatest benefit Netanyahu received came from the content of Romney’s speech itself, which was later amplified by Dan Senor, who stated that “If Israel has to take action on its own in order to stop Iran from developing the capability, the governor would respect that decision.” By getting the GOP candidate more or less on record as supporting an Israeli military strike against Iran, Netanyahu opened up some politically-useful daylight between the Obama administration’s Iran policy and the perceived internal American consensus about whether an Israeli strike on Iran would deal a blow to America’s national interests. In other words, Netanyahu re-framed Obama’s Iran policy as a campaign issue, with the Obama campaign on one side and the Romney campaign on the other side. While an Israeli attack might be controversial within such a frame, it would be much harder to inarguably construe it as an attack on America. Obama’s anger in such an event would simply be the anger of a politician scorned in the middle of an election campaign, not the anger of an American President on behalf of his entire nation.
My own reporting has long suggested that Israeli noises about a possible, likely or imminent attack on Iran are part of a sometimes scripted, sometimes unspoken cooperative interaction with successive American administrations which have used the threat of an Israeli strike to gain support for meaningful sanctions. “You know how crazy those Israelis are,” American envoys have been whispering in European and other capitals for the last decade or so. “If we don’t stop them with sanctions, there’s no telling WHAT they might do. Why, only last week, Barak was telling some reporter that Iran getting the bomb would be just like THE HOLOCAUST . . ..”
Every few months, when the Israelis sense that US resolve in the sanctions department is weakening, or the Iranians enrich uranium to new levels, they ratchet up the rhetoric without any proper coordination, and cause political problems for the US President. This trick works because it forces Obama to prove that he is strong by pushing harder for stronger sanctions or else face the ire of potential voters and donors — some of whom are Jewish, and some of whom are not. The diplomatic tango between the US and Israel over the Iranian nuclear program is a dance between friends who know each other’s moves well.
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As a previous Obama voter, the only way he could get my vote in November would.
be an explicit statement that he would use military force rather than allow Iran to go nuclear.
So far he has only hinted at that. In Tehran, these hints are not taken seriously and Iran is also not impressed with sanctions.
Although Romney has also not been clear on this, there are also other issues about Israel's negotiating position that Obama has voiced that seriously jeopardize Israel that don't make him equal to Romney.
The 2 major ones are.
1-He suggested Israel treat the 67 lines as borders.
2-He suggested Israel negotiate borders first, then talk about Refugee issues.